<p>Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka reformisternas kamp mot kommunister och syndikalister inom fackföreningsrörelsen. Materialet består av protokoll från LO-kongresserna 1922, 1926 och 1931. De slutsatser som dras är att reformisternas styrka ökat under perioden. Samtidigt har kommunisternas styrka minskat och inflytandet från syndikalisterna begränsats.</p><p>Det konstateras att samtidigt som maktförskjutning skett mellan grupperna reformister, kommunister och syndikalister så har LO som organisation förändrats. Detta avseende LO:s mål och syfte, synen på staten och parlamentarismen, centralism - decentralism och demokratin inom LO, samt förhållandet till partier och andra fackliga organisationer.</p><p>I undersökningen har även olika strategier som grupperna använde sig av iaktagits.</p>

A half century long civil war was fought in Colombia during 1964 and 2016, during these years there have been numerous peace negotiations between the state and the leftist guerrilla FARC-EP. The two enemies had big ideological differences but despite this, they managed to strike a peace deal in the end. These negotiations can be connected with the theory of rationality, where each partner will act with a goal for maximum profitable purpose. This study will primarily focus on the FARC-EP ideological alteration and its rational behaviour during negotiations during 2012-2016 and that concluded with the peace deal signed in Cartagena, Colombia. This study will also give a perspective in how FARC-EP has acted post- the peace negotiations on its way with peace and reconciliation in mind. With the ideological aspect and rationality in remembrance this study will analyse the change of method that the FARC-EP went through, from a violent guerrilla towards a political party with its primary goal still in mind, of an equal marxist nation, and the participation in its first democratic election in 2018.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-05-12T11:24:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 andreasilveiradesouza.pdf: 751111 bytes, checksum: d9de133bfa6803c3ccba0742f02c7de6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-17T15:28:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 andreasilveiradesouza.pdf: 751111 bytes, checksum: d9de133bfa6803c3ccba0742f02c7de6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-17T15:28:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 andreasilveiradesouza.pdf: 751111 bytes, checksum: d9de133bfa6803c3ccba0742f02c7de6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-22 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo geral da presente tese consiste na análise dos elementos teológicos e políticos que animam e que marcam o antagonismo entre as correntes fundamentalistas reformista e reconstrucionista no espaço público americano. Neste sentido, buscamos verificar como estas duas perspectivas, que se alimentam da mesma fonte teológico-filosófica, o pensamento do teólogo presbiteriano Cornelius Van Til, interpretam este pensamento de maneira tão distinta e concebem duas formas opostas de abordagem e inserção religiosa, sociopolítica e cultural. O intuito de nossa pesquisa é verificar, por meio da análise do discurso de Cornelius Van Til e de dois dos mais proeminentes representantes das correntes reformista e reconstrucionista, o teólogo Francis Schaeffer e o economista e teólogo Gary North, de que forma essas duas correntes fundamentalistas interpretam, porque assim interpretam, e também como e porque estabelecem suas ações sociais e políticas de maneiras opostas, tendo como base uma mesma perspectiva teológica. / The general goal of this dissertation is to analyze the theological and political elements that inspire and define the antagonism between the reformist and reconstructionist fundamentalist currents in the American public sphere. In this way, we seek to verify how these two perspectives, which feed themselves on the same theological-philosophical source, the thought of the Presbyterian theologian Cornelius Van Til, interpret this thinking in such a different way and conceive of two opposing forms of religious, sociopolitical and cultural approach and insertion. The purpose of our research is to verify, through the analysis of the discourse of Cornelius Van Til and two of the most prominent representatives of the reformist and reconstructionist currents, theologian Francis Schaeffer and the economist and theologian Gary North, how these two fundamentalists currents interpret, why they do it, and also how and why they establish their social and political actions in opposite ways, based on the same theological perspective.

Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka reformisternas kamp mot kommunister och syndikalister inom fackföreningsrörelsen. Materialet består av protokoll från LO-kongresserna 1922, 1926 och 1931. De slutsatser som dras är att reformisternas styrka ökat under perioden. Samtidigt har kommunisternas styrka minskat och inflytandet från syndikalisterna begränsats. Det konstateras att samtidigt som maktförskjutning skett mellan grupperna reformister, kommunister och syndikalister så har LO som organisation förändrats. Detta avseende LO:s mål och syfte, synen på staten och parlamentarismen, centralism - decentralism och demokratin inom LO, samt förhållandet till partier och andra fackliga organisationer. I undersökningen har även olika strategier som grupperna använde sig av iaktagits.

Suite à la révolution du 26 septembre 1962, le Yémen du Nord a vu naître la première république de la péninsule Arabique qui a mis fin au long imamat chiite zaydite caractérisé par le primat politico-religieux des descendants du prophète Muhammad : lessâda. Dans leur grande majorité, ces membres du «groupe de statut» le plus élevé au sein de la hiérarchie sociale de l’ancien régime, ont progressivement assumé leur nouvellecondition de «perdants de l’histoire». À partir de 1970, avec la fin de la guerre «civile»entre républicains et royalistes (partisans de l’imamat), ils ont généralement fait preuve de réalisme, ainsi que d’une volonté d’intégration et d'adaptation au nouveau système tant sur le plan politique que socio-professionnel.Dans le contexte pluraliste de l’unification du pays en 1990 entre le Yémen du Nord et leYémen du Sud, certains sâda ont toutefois choisi de donner à leur appartenance confessionnelle une expression politique aux formes organisationnelles diversifiées. Cette mouvance zaydite - composée d’acteurs perçus, par le pouvoir, comme représentant l’ancien régime - a pu relever le défi de la compatibilité avec le régime républicain. En effet, ces acteurs qui se sont inscrits, en dernière instance, dans une dynamique de modernisation politique, n’ont cessé de se revendiquer de la pensée zaydite. Et au lieu d’opter pour la «sunnisation du zaydisme», comme le suggère la littérature républicaine,ce qui les aurait obligés à renier leur appartenance confessionnelle primordiale, ils ont préféré entreprendre un réformisme immanent au zaydisme. Cette double épreuve de modernisation et de réformisme a inscrit la mouvance zaydite dans un processus de construction d’un universel politique. Or, ce dernier a connu un frein à partir de juin2004, avec le déclenchement de la guerre de Saada (du nom du chef lieu de la province homonyme, frontalière de l’Arabie Saoudite au nord-ouest du pays), entre le gouvernement et les partisans de Husayn, Badr al-Dîn puis ‘Abd al-Malik al-Hûthi(respectivement fils, père et frère). En effet, la «confessionnalisation» de la revendication politique de l’adversaire par le pouvoir a débouché sur une stigmatisation collective,provoquant des reformulations identitaires qui ont sérieusement menacé l’aspect modernisateur de la réaffirmation politico-religieuse des «perdants de l’histoire» au Yémen. / Emerging out of the 26 September, 1962 revolution, North Yemen became not only the first republic in the Arabian Peninsula, but also ended the long-lasting rule of the ShiaZaydi Imamate, embodying the political and religious dominance of the descendants of the prophet Muhammad : the sâda. After the revolution, a majority of the members of this status group, which occupied pre-eminent positions in the social hierarchy of the ancien régime, were relegated to the condition of «losers of the history». Since 1970 and the endof Yemen’s civil war, which pitted republicans against royalists (partisans of theImamate), the sâda adopted a pragmatic political stance, evincing an eagerness to integrate into and adapt to the new system in Yemen, in political as well as in socioprofessional terms.However, within the pluralistic context of the country’s unification in 1990 between North Yemen and South Yemen, some of the sâda choose to give political expression to their Zaydi «sectarian» affiliation, which expression took diverse organizational forms.The resulting Zaydi movement - comprising actors perceived, by the government, as representing the ancien régime - was able to overcome the challenge of compatibility with the republican regime. While adopting a strategy of political modernization, it never ceased asserting its Zaydi thinking. Rather than adopting the «Sunnisation of Zaydism» -as suggested by the republican literature - which would have forced the movement to abandon its primary «sectarian» underpinnings, it opted for an internally congruous Zaydireformism. The two fold undertaking of modernization and reform, put the Zaydimovement on the path of constructing a political vision claiming to be of universal validity. However, this project stalled relatively after June 2004, following the outbreak of the Saada war (from the name of the province bordering Saudi Arabia in the northwest of Yemen), waged between government and the partisans of Husayn, Badr al-Dînand later ‘Abd al-Malik al-Hûthi (respectively son, father and brother). Indeed, the government’s «strategy» of «sectarianization» of its adversary’s political claim, led to acollective stigmatization prompting identity reformulations which seriously threaten the modernizing aspect of the political and religious revival of the «losers of the history» in Yemen.

L’ascension du mouvement socialiste européen sous la direction de la Deuxième Internationale au tournant du siècle et son éclatement avec le déclenchement de la guerre de 1914 constitue un problème historique persistant. La contradiction saute aux yeux. Voilà un mouvement qui se revendiquait fermement de « l’internationalisme prolétarien », mais qui, au moment venu de le mettre en œuvre, affirma la nécessité de la « défense nationale ». Les formes concrètes de cette contradiction sont éclaircies par une étude de l’impact de la montée de l’impérialisme sur l’internationalisme des socialistes français et allemands durant la période précédant la guerre, du congrès de Londres de 1896 jusqu’à la résolution de la crise d’Agadir en 1912. La Deuxième Internationale est un mouvement dont les formes organisationnelles et pratiques sont ancrées dans un cadre national, alors que ses conceptions fondamentales sont celles de l’internationalisme. L’impérialisme renforce cette contradiction, et devient à la fois la source d’une concrétisation de l’internationalisme socialiste en théorie, et de son abandon en pratique. Privilégiant l’analyse de l’internationalisme comme un phénomène politique plutôt que culturel ou sentimental, ce travail démontre l’existence d’un gouffre entre le discours théorique et la pratique du mouvement. La montée de l’impérialisme est accompagnée de la montée du réformisme au sein du mouvement socialiste, qui, avec d’autres phénomènes, renforce ses tendances nationales. Les tendances nationales du mouvement persistent lors de moments clés, notamment les crises impérialistes de Tanger (1905) et d’Agadir (1911), au point de remettre en question les fondements internationalistes du mouvement. / The rise of the European socialist movement under the leadership of the Second International at the turn of the century and its breakup with the outbreak of the 1914 war is a persistent historical problem. The contradiction is obvious. Here was a movement that firmly proclaimed "proletarian internationalism", but which, when the time came to implement it, affirmed the necessity of "national defense". The concrete forms of this contradiction are illuminated by a study of the impact of the rise of imperialism on the internationalism of French and German socialists in the period leading up to the war, from the London Congress of 1896 to the resolution of the Agadir crisis in 1912. The Second International is a movement whose organizational and practical forms are rooted in a national framework, while its fundamental conceptions are those of internationalism. Imperialism reinforces this contradiction, and becomes at the same time the source of a concretization of socialist internationalism in theory, and of its abandonment in practice. Emphasizing the analysis of internationalism as a political rather than a cultural or sentimental phenomenon, this work demonstrates the existence of a chasm between the theoretical discourse and the practice of the movement. The rise of imperialism is accompanied by the rise of reformism within the socialist movement, which, along with other phenomena, reinforces its national tendencies. The national tendencies of the movement persisted at key moments, notably the imperialist crises of Tangier (1905) and Agadir (1911), to the point of calling into question the internationalist foundations of the movement.

This thesis argues that the significance of pre-Civil War southern opposition to slavery has been largely marginalized and mischaracterized by previous historiography. By contextualizing southern antislavery activism as but a single wing within a broader reformist movement, historians can move beyond simplistic interpretations of these antislavery advocates as fool-hardy and tangential "losers." While opposition to slavery constituted a key goal for these reformers, it was not their only aspiration, and they secured considerable success in other aspects of reform. Nineteenth-century Russians, simultaneously struggling with their own system of bonded labor, offer excellent counterpoints to reorient the role of antebellum southern reformers. Through their shared commitment to reforming liberalism, a preference for gradualism as the vehicle of change, and a shared intellectual framework based upon new theories of political economy, the Russian and southerners' histories highlight a transatlantic intellectual community in which southern reformers were full members. Adapting multiple theories from this transnational exchange of ideas, southern reformers were remarkably liminal figures useful for contemporary scholarly exploration into the nineteenth-century culture of reform. Ultimately, it was this liminality coupled with the inegalitarian nature of their movement that ensured that the southern antislavery movement would fail to secure a gradual demise to slavery. / Master of Arts

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p>

Assez peu reconnu à son époque et encore largement méconnu aujourd'hui, l'intellectuel algérien Malek Bennabi (1905-1973) a pourtant fait une entrée remarquée dans la vie intellectuelle en Algérie avec sa notion de "colonisabilité " en 1949. Il se fera connaitre ensuite dans le monde musulman notamment avec ses définitions fonctionnelles de la culture et de la civilisation. Néanmoins, sa conception réformiste de la religion, nommée " idée religieuse " et ayant une fonction sociale, a été très peu analysée. Or, elle est la clé de voûte de la compréhension de la pensée de Bennabi. Pour lui, " l'idée religieuse " doit être une idée vécue comme une " vérité travaillante ", authentique avec l'islam et efficace dans le monde moderne. Il mélange des savoirs issus à la fois de la Tradition musulmane et des sciences humaines et propose de connecter l'islam authentique avec l'esprit technique cartésien. Ainsi, dans un contexte de décolonisation, Bennabi veut réaliser, par le déploiement moral et social de " l'idée religieuse " un projet de société pérenne, prospère et ouvert sur la civilisation humaine. Par le biais de cette notion " d'idée religieuse ", nous proposons, tout d'abord, de situer Bennabi dans l'histoire de l'Algérie mais aussi de l'islam contemporain. Nous voulons ensuite comprendre les fondements et les finalités de sa pensée qui est singulière au sein du réformisme musulman. Ce qui permettra enfin de mesurer l'impact de " l'idée religieuse " dans son projet de société sur trois niveaux de réflexion ; l'homme, la société, l'humanité. / Although he is not really recognized by his contemporaries and still largely unknown today, the Algerian intellectual Malek Bennabi (1905-1973) nevertheless made a remarkable entry into the intellectual life in Algeria with his notion of "colonisabilité ". Then, he will be known in the Muslim world with its functional definitions of culture and civilization. Thus, his reformist conception of religion, having a social function, which he called "religious idea", was ignored. It is, however, the keystone of the understanding of Bennabi's thinking. For him, "The religious idea" must be an idea lived as a "working truth", being authentic with Islam and effective in the modern world. He mixes the knowledge of the Muslim Tradition with the human sciences and proposes to connect his vision of an authentic Islam with the Cartesian technical spirit. Moreover, in a context of decolonization, Bennabi wants to realize, by the moral and social deployment of the "religious idea", a project of sustainable society, which he sees as being prosperous and open to human civilization. Through this concept of "religious idea" we propose, first of all, to question the place of Bennabi in the history of Algeria but also of contemporary Islam. Then, we want to question the foundations and the purposes of his thought which is singular in Muslim reformism. Finally, this will allow us to measure the impact of the "religious idea" in its project of society on three levels of reflection: man, society, humanity.

Último inquisidor-mor, bispo de Olinda e deputado eleito pelo Rio de Janeiro nas Cortes de Lisboa. A vida e a trajetória de José Joaquim da Cunha Azeredo Coutinho (1742-1821) são conhecidas da historiografia brasileira. Intransigente defensor da ordem estabelecida, Azeredo Coutinho distinguiu-se, inicialmente, com a publicação de memórias econômicas, abordando temas variados que vão desde o preço do açúcar até a defesa da justiça do comércio de escravos africanos; por sua participação no governo da Capitania de Pernambuco e a frente da diocese da cidade alentejana de Elvas. Esta pesquisa pretende analisar o pensamento econômico e as concepções políticas de Azeredo Coutinho. Num primeiro momento, faremos uma leitura crítica de seus escritos à luz de sua atuação pública, reconstituindo seus referenciais teóricos e contextualizando-os a partir das questões que ele procurava responder. Neste percurso, teremos sempre em vista sua colaboração com os ministros ilustrados na produção de uma idéia de Império, de inspiração luso-brasileira, em direção a uma solução mais ampla, de caráter imperial. Destacaremos também o caráter reformista de suas idéias e ações. Como inúmeros de seus contemporâneos, Azeredo combateu a secularização buscando manter o passado atual, mas sem propor um retorno a ele. Reformista, acreditava que a destruição das estruturas históricas elaboradas por formas sociais mais antigas levaria a destruição da sociedade no seu caráter moderno. Foi nesse contexto intelectual que Azeredo Coutinho produziu sua defesa das prerrogativas do Trono, da legitimidade da autoridade da Igreja e da atualidade do Sistema Colonial. / This is a study about the life and times of D. José Joaquim da Cunha de Azeredo Coutinho (1742-1821). A catholic bishop and a statesman, Azeredo Coutinho is one of the best examples of an enlightened author defender of the Ancient Regime in the Portuguese Empire. In this work, aspects of his essays on economics and political issues, his actions as the head of the Capitania de Pernambuco government (1798- 1802), and as bishop of the Alentejo city of Elvas will be contextualized with the program of reforms sponsored by the Portuguese Crown in the late 18th Century. Furthermore, is your objective to understand the principal ideas and influences behind Azeredos essays. To accomplish this goal, the ideas in context methodology will be your analytical tool.