Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-01-16T11:27:52Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Karla Mendonça de Araújo - 2016.pdf: 2025088 bytes, checksum: d326880bad4830322d50bdfd599ca9d4 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-01-16T11:28:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Karla Mendonça de Araújo - 2016.pdf: 2025088 bytes, checksum: d326880bad4830322d50bdfd599ca9d4 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-16T11:28:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Karla Mendonça de Araújo - 2016.pdf: 2025088 bytes, checksum: d326880bad4830322d50bdfd599ca9d4 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-26 / The aim of this study is to analyze the impact of the Constitutional Fund of the Midwest Finance (FCO), more specifically in the Goiás State agriculture for the induction of the growth of the municipalities in which they operate this program, and thus their contribution to reducing regional inequalities in Brazil. The empirical results show the importance of agribusiness to Goiás as well as explains the issues of regional inequality as well as indicating that the variables (GDP, employment, income and productivity) no significant relationship with the employment of rural FCO, however , that is the Constitutional Fund of the Midwest Finance showed no significant relationship with the differential economic growth of the cities where it operates . / O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar o impacto do Fundo Constitucional de Financiamento do Centro-Oeste (FCO) no âmbito da agropecuária do estado de Goiás para a indução do crescimento dos municípios nos quais se inserem esse programa e, assim, sua contribuição para a redução das desigualdades regionais do Brasil. Os resultados empíricos apontam a importância do agronegócio para Goiás, além de explicitar a problemática da desigualdade regional. Os resultados estatísticos indicam que as variáveis analisadas (PIB, emprego, renda e produtividade) não apresentam relações significativas com o emprego do FCO Rural, ou seja, o Fundo Constitucional de Financiamento do Centro-Oeste não apresentou relação significativa com o diferencial de crescimento econômico dos municípios onde está inserido.

En arquitectura como en cualquier otra arte lo bueno y lo malo son términos ambiguos que varían en el tiempo, de forma que lo que hoy se considera que está bien, ayer era rechazado, haciendo tornar lo verdadero en falso. En el caso de la arquitectura moderna, la disparidad de interpretaciones que se pueden encontrar en las numerosas publicaciones que desde sus comienzos han ido apareciendo, han contribuido a aumentar esta confusión. Sin embargo, la arquitectura, como realidad construida, no deja de ser un producto elaborado por el hombre, precedido de un proceso razonado en el que el arquitecto evalúa los distintos condicionantes que existen, cuya validez viene determinada por la correcta aplicación de los preceptos utilizados, lo cual a su vez, depende en gran medida de la actitud que el autor defiende frente a la arquitectura. De esta forma, a partir del análisis comparativo de la trayectoria profesional de dos arquitectos de reconocido prestigio como son Alejandro de la Sota y Fco. Javier Sáenz de Oiza, se ha pretendido determinar la influencia que en los planteamientos arquitectónicos tienen los argumentos de carácter ético. La constatada diferencia existente entre ambas maneras de entender la arquitectura, justifica su elección de entre todos los compañeros que comenzaron su carrera profesional tras finalizar la guerra civil, ya que este contraste permite evidenciar con claridad la siempre difícil relación entre teoría y práctica arquitectónica. En este sentido, ha sido necesario realizar un análisis previo entre el discurso arquitectónico y la producción de cada uno de los dos arquitectos, a partir del cual, además de poder verificar el grado de coherencia existente entre el autor y su obra, se han podido establecer los paralelismos pertinentes para la posterior comparación de ambas trayectorias, centrando el análisis en los postulados de carácter ético. Los respectivos análisis individuales están precedidos de un estudio sobre el estado de la cuestión / Cabeza González, M. (2011). Criterios Éticos en la Arquitectura Moderna Española. ALEJANDRO DE LA SOTA - FCO JAVIER SÁENZ DE OIZA [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/10862

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[pt] Ao longo das últimas décadas, diversas medidas de avaliação e mensuração vêm sendo alvo de pesquisa com o objetivo de determinar sua utilidade e relevância na avaliação do desempenho operacional de empresas.Tendo sido substituída pela Demonstração de Fluxo de Caixa em 1987 nos Estados Unidos, a Demonstração das Origens e Aplicações de Recursos tem vindo a cair em desuso em diversos paises, onde o conceito de fluxo de recursos vem sendo substituído pelo conceito de fluxo de caixa. Para tal, contribui o fato que esta é mais informativa e melhor compreendida pelos usuários. No Brasil, o debate por semelhante substituição vem decorrendo à diversos anos. O EBITDA - Earnings Before Interest, Tax, Depreciation and Amortization é sem dúvida o fluxo de recursos operacionais mais em voga hoje em dia. Por possuir um método de cálculo simples, derivando da demonstração de resultados, o EBITDA é especialmente atrativo na divulgação de parâmetros operacionais, visto que tende a ser o mais otimista. O Fluxo de Caixa Operacional pelo método Fleuriet tem recebido grande interesse do meio acadêmico nos últimos anos. Possui grande poder explicativo em modelos de regressão múltipla, mas o seu cálculo envolve a efetuação de alterações nos ativos e passivos operacionais de curto prazo, onde existem ambigüidades de classificação. Talvez por isso seja pouco utilizado pelo meio empresarial. Este trabalho pretende analisar os comportamentos relativos de alguns fluxos de recursos operacionais. / [en] Over the past decades, several evaluation indices have been the targeted for study, the objective being the determination of usefulness and relevance when determining operational performance. Since its substitution by the Cashflow Statement in 1987 in the United States, the Statement of Changes in Financial Position has been gradually phased out in other countries, where the concept of resources has steadily given way to one of cash. Among other reasons, one particular being better informational content and possessing relative comprehension ease. In Brazil, the debate for such change has been occurring for the past several years. EBITDA - Earnings Before Interest, Tax, Depreciation and Amortization, is without a doubt one of the most recognizable operational resource flows in existence. Its calculation can be performed with relative ease from the Profit and Loss Statement and because it is especially optimistic when announcing operational results, EBITDA has gained great acceptance form the entrepreneurial world. The Operational Cashflow obtained by the Fleuriet Method has received great interest from academics over the past years. It possesses great explaining power in multiple regression models, but its calculation involves performing several changes in current assets and liabilities, where classification ambiguities are left to individual discretion. Perhaps this explains its low acceptance in the entrepreneurial world, where ready made indices, recognizable worldwide are demanded. This dissertation will analyze the relative behavior of some better known operational recourse flows.

<p>Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka reformisternas kamp mot kommunister och syndikalister inom fackföreningsrörelsen. Materialet består av protokoll från LO-kongresserna 1922, 1926 och 1931. De slutsatser som dras är att reformisternas styrka ökat under perioden. Samtidigt har kommunisternas styrka minskat och inflytandet från syndikalisterna begränsats.</p><p>Det konstateras att samtidigt som maktförskjutning skett mellan grupperna reformister, kommunister och syndikalister så har LO som organisation förändrats. Detta avseende LO:s mål och syfte, synen på staten och parlamentarismen, centralism - decentralism och demokratin inom LO, samt förhållandet till partier och andra fackliga organisationer.</p><p>I undersökningen har även olika strategier som grupperna använde sig av iaktagits.</p>

Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka reformisternas kamp mot kommunister och syndikalister inom fackföreningsrörelsen. Materialet består av protokoll från LO-kongresserna 1922, 1926 och 1931. De slutsatser som dras är att reformisternas styrka ökat under perioden. Samtidigt har kommunisternas styrka minskat och inflytandet från syndikalisterna begränsats. Det konstateras att samtidigt som maktförskjutning skett mellan grupperna reformister, kommunister och syndikalister så har LO som organisation förändrats. Detta avseende LO:s mål och syfte, synen på staten och parlamentarismen, centralism - decentralism och demokratin inom LO, samt förhållandet till partier och andra fackliga organisationer. I undersökningen har även olika strategier som grupperna använde sig av iaktagits.

Cette recherche s’attache à l’étude d’une institution britannique, à son rôle et son organisation depuis la fusion, en 1968, du Commonwealth Office et du Foreign Office, jusqu’à l’année 1985.Il s’agit ainsi de voir comment le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) fonctionne et comment il a su évoluer au gré du temps, du changement de la place de la Grande-Bretagne dans le monde, et des conflits internationaux. Ainsi, on peut se demander quelles influences le contexte a eu sur l’institution en elle-même. Dès lors, une place particulière est accordée à l’Europe, la ‘relation spéciale’ avec les États-Unis et la décolonisation.La politique étrangère britannique semble aujourd’hui être principalement dans les mains du pouvoir politique : du ministre des Affaires étrangères (Foreign Secretary), et du Premier ministre. Quelle place le FCO occupe-t-il alors, et quelles relations entretient-il avec le pouvoir politique ?Il s’agit ainsi de considérer la place du FCO au sein des différents acteurs internes et externes de la politique étrangère britannique en analysant trois cas concrets : une réorganisation interne de l’institution (la fusion de 1968), une gestion de crise (l’indépendance retardée de la Guyane britannique, 1953-1966), et une négociation d’accord en temps de paix (l’échec des négociations de la Convention des Nations unies sur le droit de la mer, 1973-1982).Ce travail de recherche tente ainsi d’offrir une interprétation allant au-delà du fonctionnement interne de l’institution. Il s’agit de mettre en relation le Foreign and Commonwealth Office et le pouvoir politique, et ainsi d’étudier les pouvoirs et influences du FCO tout en s’attachant à des périodes clés à l’orée de changements. / This research work is devoted to the study of a key British institution, its function and its organization, from the merger of the Commonwealth Office and the Foreign Office in 1968, until 1985.Of particular interest is the way the changing role of Britain in the world and international conflicts bear upon the functioning and the evolution of the FCO. The point is to assess to what extent the context influences the institution itself.British foreign policy seems to be mostly determined by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister. It is therefore well worth gaging what the function of the FCO is, and its relationship with the holders of political power.The role of the FCO as one of the internal and external agents of British foreign policy is assessed here, through three cases: the internal reorganization of the service in 1968, the management of a crisis – the postponements of independence for Guiana from 1953 to 1966, and the failure of a negotiation in peacetime – the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea from 1973 to 1982.Beyond the internal functioning of the institution, this research work strives to offer an interpretation of the changes. The relationship between the FCO and the holders of political power, the real power and influence of the FCO are under consideration, in particular during key moments of particular significance for the institution.

To determine whether a weapon system meets the requirements set for insensitivity, the system is getting exposed for special tests. One of these tests shows how the system reacts when it ends up in a fire. This test is called the "Fast Cook-Off (FCO) Test", called FCO-test, and performed with a Sand Bed Burner (SBB). According to primary testing provision, the fuel for this test is used of jet fuel such as Jet A-1. A project at Bofors Test Center (BTC) is in progress to use an alternative fuel of Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG). This fuel is very advantageous compared to jet fuel in terms of environmental impact, work environment and testing costs. The aim of this thesis is to improve the existing test equipment considering fire over the entire surface and solve the problems with dropped gas flow and freezing of gas bottles. SBB works in the sense that the new petrol LPG streams into the SBB and expands in the free space below the sand bed before the gas will diffuse through the bed of sand and the fire engulfs the object. LPG is a condensable gas that requires oxygen. LPG exceed from liquid to gas phase and needs a large lateral surface to take up more energy which results in better evaporationto the phase transfer. Reaction products from complete combustion of LPG are only water vapor and carbon dioxide, the same as in your exhaled air. To solve these problems it was needed to change P11 composite bottles to P45 steel bottles to get a longer evaporation and larger lateral surface. Four flow inlets instead were used of one into SBB for a better stream in the free space under the sand bed. Propane regulators used to get a lower and more constant flow to avoid freezing. Compressed airconnected tothe SBB to geta mix between oxygen and LPG. The result shows in higherheat radiation efficiency even though the flow was settled down to 1/3 with the new propane regulators. In test 2 the value was 37 kW/m2 and in test 7 it was around 57 kW/m2. Because of a smaller flow and bigger steel bottles the freezing disappeared. Smaller grain of sand together with four inlets and compressed air gave a more complete combustion.

This dissertation focuses on public diplomacy efforts targeted at persuading other countries to strengthen their domestic and international climate change policies. While previous research on climate diplomacy has addressed the global negotiations extensively, the role of embassies and the interplay between diplomats, their partners and the instruments and storylines they employ, has so far not received the scholarly attention it deserves. This is despite the fact that such behind-the-scenes outreach is one of the most promising tools available to engage other states. The dissertation aims to fill this literature gap by examining climate public diplomacy conducted by embassies and consulates of four EU states: the UK, Germany, Sweden and Denmark. The European Union, and these states in particular, were chosen because they have sought to portray themselves as leaders in tackling climate change while undertaking extensive climate diplomacy. The United States and China were chosen as target states since they have been the main focus of EU climate diplomacy, due to their position as the two largest aggregate contributors to climate change. The dissertation addresses public diplomacy in the field of climate change applied to both the federal/national and subnational levels of governance of these states. The main research question tackled by this dissertation is: What role do embassies and consulates play in climate diplomacy, and how effective is this diplomacy? In answering this, the research focuses on identifying environmental discourses and framings of climate change employed by embassies/consulates for different audiences, and assesses the impact of these frames. A central finding was a strong trade and growth orientation of climate diplomacy. The diplomatic network identified industry, especially fossil-fuel intensive businesses, as allies. Some companies that were embassy partners supported climate denial behind the scenes.