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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 1 to 7 of 7 (0.083 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"ekonomiska demokrati""
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Ekonomisk demokrati i läroböcker för samhällskunskapEriksson, Emelie January 2019 (has links)
Syftet med studien är att undersöka i vilken utsträckning och på vilket sätt ekonomisk demokrati förekommer i aktuella läroböcker för samhällskunskap på gymnasiet i Sverige. Som metod användes kvantitativ innehållsanalys och kvalitativ textanalys. Materialet utgjordes av sju läroböcker i samhällskunskap för gymnasiet. Resultaten för den kvantitativa analysen visar att förekomsten av ekonomisk demokrati skiljer sig mycket åt beroende på vilken aspekt som undersöks. Den vanligast förekommande aspekten är demokratisering av marknadssystemet. Ett mönster som framkommer i den kvalitativa analysen är att legitimeringar på olika sätt sker i texterna. En slutsats från studien är att läroböckernas framställningar inte främjar ett aktivt demokratiskt medborgarskap hos eleverna.
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Aktieägandet och demokratin : ägarfrågan från brukssamhälle till kompetenskapitalismEidem, Rolf January 1987 (has links)
No description available.
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Löntagarfonderna : En fråga om ekonomisk demokrati?Cuibe, Adam January 2017 (has links)
The thesis examines the final debate of wage-earner funds in Sweden when the issue was discussed in the parliament during the voting in 21-22 December 1983. Through a discourse analysis, discourses and different ideological views in the debate are being questioned based on economic and political aspects when it comes to democracy in working life, which use to be known as economic democracy. It was a historical long parliamentary debate with 88 different speakers and 125 speeches that lasted for two days when the issue of the wage-earner funds was voted through by the Social Democratic Party. The thesis highlights various ideological statements that constitute the struggle in the debate and deepened with theories of democracy and economic democracy.
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Personalägda företag - liberalism eller socialdemokrati? : En jämförande fallstudie av personalägande i Sverige och USA / Employee ownership - liberalism or social democracy? : A comparative case study of employee ownership in Sweden and the United StatesNordin, Simon January 2022 (has links)
This Master’s thesis examines the interesting paradox of why employee ownership is morecommon in the United States of America than in Sweden, when other forms of rights andbenefits for employees are more developed in the latter. This paradox boils down tounderstanding the characteristics of employee ownership and its relationship to thetraditional political left-right scale. In other words, from a political point of view, shouldemployee ownership be seen as a left or right phenomenon? Instead of approaching thisquestion from a philosophical angle about how things should be seen, this thesis uses a morepractical empirical approach. By comparing the institutions on macro-level in Sweden andthe United States, and applying the theory of ‘varieties of capitalism’, the goal is tounderstand in which institutional and political contexts employee ownership flourish. This isdone using a comparative case study design, focusing on historical and institutionaldifferences between how the two countries regulate their political economies. The theory of‘varieties of capitalism’ is used in the form of two ideal types, liberal- and social(coordinated) market economy, which are used as analytical tools to examine institutionaldifferences. The aim of the study can be summarized by the two research questions: 1) Isemployee ownership a liberal or social-democratic phenomenon? and 2) Can the differencesin occurrence of employee ownership between Sweden and the United States be explainedusing the ideal types liberal- and social market economy? The findings indicate that employeeownership is in fact a liberal phenomenon, and that the ideal types and theory of ‘varieties ofcapitalism’ is useful for explaining this. The conclusion is that there seems to be a substitutioneffect between employee ownership and the Swedish model on the labor market. It seems likethe strong labor market- and welfare-state institutions in Sweden already provide employeesand employers with enough coordination, rights, benefits and influence to make the interestfor employee ownership too small. In contrast, the lack of strong institutions for coordinationbetween employees and employers in the liberal market economy of the United States seem tocreate a bigger need for companies to tie their employees closer to them. The fact thatemployee ownership is often created on the initiative of the company management alsostrengthens this hypothesis: employee ownership is a liberal phenomenon driven by thecorporations to compensate for the lack of strong labor market institutions in a liberaleconomy.
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Olof Palme och löntagarfonder : En studie om rörelsesocialism och statssocialism i den svenska arbetarrörelsenWeinehammar, Paula January 2007 (has links)
<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p>
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Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939 / Democracy Beyond Politics : An Analysis of the Concept of Democracy within the Swedish Social Democratic Party 1919–1939Friberg, Anna January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden’s theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.
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Olof Palme och löntagarfonder : En studie om rörelsesocialism och statssocialism i den svenska arbetarrörelsenWeinehammar, Paula January 2007 (has links)
The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue. My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time. There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole. How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds. How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.
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