This research investigated the perceptions on industrial democracy of selected stakeholder groups in the Thai industrial relations system. Three research questions were posed. How do the selected stakeholders express their knowledge of industrial democracy? What are the similarities and differences in perceptions of the ‘industrial democracy in practice’ concept held by members of the selected stakeholder groups? What are emergent best practices in industrial democracy? In order to provide some answers to these questions a number of research objectives were developed: To identify knowledge of industrial democracy in Thailand as perceived by selected stakeholders; To investigate the similarities and differences in stakeholder perceptions of industrial democracy; To compare the similarities and differences in stakeholder perceptions of industrial democracy; To identify problems and difficulties encountered from the practicing of industrial democracy within Thai business organizations; To reveal best practice in industrial democracy as expressed by the stakeholders. This research studied employee participation at five levels: board level: employee representation at board level; plant level: employee representation at plant level; shop floor level: employee participation at shop floor level; financial level: employee participation at the financial level; disclosure of information level: employee participation in disclosure of information. / This research collected data from the following ten stakeholder groups of the Thai industrial relations system: employees of non-unionized companies: shop floor level; employees of non-unionized companies: supervisory level; trade union leaders: national level; trade union leaders: company level; employers of non-unionized companies; employers organization leader group; government officials; members of tripartite bodies; human resource managers; labour academics. This research focuses on the knowledge and perceptions of stakeholders of the Thai industrial relations system relating to industrial democracy in practices in Thailand. The ontological assumption rests on the basis that realities being constructed by the stakeholders being investigated. These realities are not objective but subjective and that multiple realities exist. This research required the researcher to interact with the stakeholders in the Thai industrial relations system in relation to their knowledge and perception of industrial democracy in practice in Thailand. The epistemology of this research was subjectivist, the knower and respondent co-creating understanding. A grounded theory approach was taken. The centrepiece is the development or generation of a theory closely related to the context of the phenomena being studied. The idea is to discover theory in a systematic yet emergent way. Grounded theory is closely associated with two research traditions, produced in outline below. / These are phenomenology and symbolic interactionism. The findings are presented in a model identifying nine common characteristics enhancing the best practice of industrial democracy. The model is proposed as a tentative Thai industrial democracy model. The nine components of the model include: constructive employer and employee or trade union relationships; determination of forms and process of participation; forms and practices of participation; upholding common goals and sharing both success and failures; implementation and change management; pro-active and promotional government roles; Thai cultures and Buddhist philosophy and principles; laws as a frame of reference; learning and practicing together continually. Eight sets of Buddhist philosophy and principles are integrated into the Thai industrial democracy model. They are: the six directions; the divine abiding; the principles for helpful integration; the principles of success; the ten regal qualities; the qualities of a good or genuine person; the principles of collective responsibility; and the principles for conducting oneself as a good citizen. Seven concepts of Thai culture are also integrated in the Thai industrial democracy model. They are: the concept of helping each other; the concept of Bunkhun; the concept of Kreng Jai; the concept of face saving; the concept of criticism avoidance; the concept of sympathy; and the concept of compromising.

This thesis is an inquiry into the human activity of designing computer artifacts that are useful to people in their daily activity at work. The emphasis is on opportunities and constraints for industrial democracy and quality of work. First, the philosophical foundation of design of computer artifacts is con­sidered. The need for a more fundamental understanding of design than the one offered by rationalistic systems thinking is argued. The alternative design philosophy suggested is based on pragmatic interpretations of the philosophies of existential phenomenology, emancipatory practice, and or­dinary language. Design is seen as a concerned social and creative activity founded in our traditions, but aiming at transcending them by anticipation and construction of alternative futures. Second, it is argued that the existing disciplinary boundaries between natural sciences, social sciences and humanities are dysfunctional for the subject matter of designing computer artifacts. An alternative under­standing of the subject matter and a curriculum for its study is discussed. The alternative emphasizes social systems design methods, a new theoreti­cal foundation of design, and the new potential for design in the use of prototyping software and hardware. The alternative also emphasizes the need to learn from other more mature design disciplines such as architec­tural design. Towards this background, and based on the practical research in two projects (DEMOS and UTOPIA), a view on work-oriented design of computer artifacts is presented. This concerns, thirdly, the collective resource approach to design of com­puter artifacts - an attempt to widen the design process to also include trade union activities, and the explicit goal of industrial democracy in design and use. It is argued that a participative approach to the design process is not sufficient in the context of democratization. However, it is suggested that it is technically possible to design computer artifacts based on criteria such as skill and democracy at work, and a trade union investigation and negotia­tion strategy is argued for as a democratic and workable complement to traditional design activities. Finally, a tŒil perspective - the ideal of skilled workers and designers in coopération designing computer artifacts as tools for skilled work is consid­ered. It is concluded that computer artifacts can be designed with the ideal of c rail tools for a specific profession, utilizing interactive hardware devices and the computer's capacity for symbol manipulation to create this resemblance, and that a tool perspective, used with care, can be a useful design ideal. However, the ideological use of a tool metaphor is also taken into account, as is the instrumental blindness a tool perspective may create towards the importance of social interaction competence at work. / digitalisering@umu

After Taiwan lifted martial law in 1987, the Legislative Yuan enacted the amendment of the Act of Privatization of Government-Owned Enterprises in 1991; the Taiwanese had the first direct presidential election in 1996; the Legislative Yuan passed the Telecom Three Laws¡XTelecommunications Act, Organizational Statute of the Directorate General of Telecommunications and Chunghwa Telecom Company Act. Chunghwa Telecom Company was set up accordingly. It was the first time in Taiwan to have the ruling party changed in 2000; Ministry of Transportation and Communication approved three private fixed network businesses involving telecommunication operation; the Legislative Yuan passed the amendment of the Article 35 of State-owned Enterprise Management Act requiring that one-fifth of board of directors shall be designated by unions. In the year of 2003, the Legislative Yuan passed the resolution that any business with 20% of state shares shall have one union representative on the board of directors. The Democratic Progressive Party won the second-time prudential election in 2004; in the following year, Chunghwa Telecom Company became a private business. The Taiwanese experienced the second regime change in 2008. Asian financial crisis of 1997, the scandals of Enron and WorldCom of 2001, and global financial tsunami of 2008 have caused society unrest and economic recession. Consequently, corporate governance has become the global focus. Due to the negative social effects caused by the CEOs responsible for the international financial tsunami, it is the best time to re-examine the relations among employees, businesses, and governments. Telecommunications industry is an important platform for social networks, it not only has the features of monopoly and oligopoly, but also highly involves in public service that affect the development of a country and people's lives. This study adopts case study (document analysis, participatory observation, and content analysis) and comparative research as the main research methods. Based on the perspectives of neo-institutionalism, social capital theory, and IDA, the case of privatization and corporatization of Chunghwa Telecom Company is chosen to explore and analyze the institutional change process from a government-run Directorate General of Telecommunications to a private business, as well as from industry monopoly to a free market that have embedded in economic freedom, open society and political democracy. The process has involved huge commercial interests, consumer rights, and telecommunication workers¡¦ working rights. Before and after the formation of the policy, how the Chunghwa Telecom Workers¡¦ Union , a stakeholder of the privatization policy, initiated and put its claim for "industrial democracy - participation in management" in practice within the interactive relations among labors, employer and government is the focus of this research.

Recent research suggests that democratising the workplace is an effective way of improving productivity and wellbeing. But few studies have focussed on how to democratise the workplace. This study aims to explore how organisations can democratise the workplace via employee reward strategy, and how this impacts productivity and wellbeing. I hypothesised that a ‘high road strategy’ to employee reward – maximising value rather than minimising cost – would be the most effective way of improving workplace productivity and wellbeing. I also hypothesised that reward strategies in the Nordic countries, which tend to resemble a high road strategy, would be more effective than reward strategies in the UK. I used quantitative analyses on the European Company Survey 2019 data set, exploring different components of a high road reward strategy as predictors of productivity and wellbeing. My results suggested that a high road strategy to employee reward does improve workplace productivity and wellbeing. The strategy consists of maximising employee representative influence (via frequent meetings with management) and reward system comprehensiveness (via emphasis on pay based on company performance); it does not require broad collective bargaining coverage. Nordic reward strategies were more effective than UK strategies: perhaps due to Nordic two-tier bargaining systems facilitating employee representative influence and an emphasis on pay based on company performance. Future research should explore other ways of maximising employee representative influence, as well as other components of a high road reward strategy.

No / This article examines why employer opposition is stimulated by the introduction of statutory union recognition provisions in Britain, Ireland and the US. It examines the impact of the provisions for encouraging union organizing, which in turn stimulates employer anti-unionism, which then negates the intention of the provisions.

勞工參與制度之實踐，有助於達成勞資平等及保障勞工權益。然因勞工參與制度之推動涉及公司治理法制及公司經營上之廣大利益，須在社會各方成員達成共識之後，才有透過立法推動之可能，亦即釐清社會各界疑慮及提供資方足夠誘因，為勞工參與企業經營制度於我國擴大實施之關鍵。 我國公司治理法制及公司法領域之專業意見，皆對勞工參與企業經營制度作為公司治理模式抱持懷疑的態度，主因在於我國公司治理主流之美國法思維。但事實上反對觀點所呈現者，並非勞工參與企業經營制度本質上之瑕疵，僅是身為法律繼受者在思考上之侷限。 觀諸德國勞工參與制度之經驗，在共同決定制度逾50年之發展中，雖面臨諸多質疑，近年亦因歐洲公司成立亦引起勞工參與制度彈性化之論爭。但在歷經金融風暴等全球性經濟危機後，德國企業之快速重建卻證明共同決定制度塑造之和諧勞資關係確實有助於公司永續發展；而德國勞工代表長期參與公司監事會之運作亦提供勞工參與作為公司治理模式之正當性。 雖然我國勞工董事制度實施至今，適用主體仍限於國營及公營轉民營企業，但在這些少數企業中，仍有勞工董事制度實踐之成功案例。本文即藉由中鋼勞工董事實踐之經驗，說明中鋼勞工董事參與公司經營後帶來之效益，破除國內反對見解之疑慮並提供資方實施之誘因。希望在德國與我國經驗之背書下，能夠促進社會共識之凝聚，以利勞工參與企業經營制度之推動，改善勞資關係，達成公司治理促進公司永續經營之目標。 / The practice of the labor participation system helps to achieve equality of labor and capital and safeguard labor rights. However, the promotion of the labor participation system involves the change of Corporate Governance System and the interests of the company, it is only after the consensus reached among the community, there is a possibility to promote it through legislation, that is, clarifying the concerns of the community and providing sufficient incentives for the emlpoyers turn into of the key to the promote Company Level Labor Participation System . Based on the viewpoint above, this study uses the experience in implementing the labor participation system of Germany and China Steel Corporation to verify that the labor participation system can and should be the model of corporate governance to break the doubts of the opponents and provide sufficient incentives for the emlpoyers. It is hoped that under the endorsement of Germany and China Steel Corporation's experience, can help the community reach the consensus, accelerate the promotion of Company Level Labor Participation System, improve the labor-management relations, and achieve the goal of Sustainable Operation.

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p>

<p>The aim of this thesis is to use a power perspective to describe the workers’ struggle for co-determination in the Swedish labour market during the period 1890–1939. The study explores how trade unions in general attempted to limit article 23, which asserted employers’ control over hiring and dismissal. At the same time the study clarifies differences in union power between various groups of workers. The prevalent historical view regarding the distribution of power in the labour market is thus questioned.</p><p>The study shows that workers were not powerless before the Saltsjöbaden agreement in 1938. In certain areas workers, through their unions, already at the beginning of the 20th century had fairly good possibilities of influencing both hiring and dismissal. Collective agreements that were entered into before the defeat of the workers in the great conflict in the Swedish labour market in 1909, as well as collective agreements signed during the 1920s and 1930s, can make both the Saltsjöbaden agreement and present-day regulations look “hostile to workers”. In collective agreements workers achieved considerable limitations of employers’ arbitrary freedom to hire and dismiss workers. Certain unions could control their labour market efficiently by means of a labour exchange of their own. The development, however, varied over time and between different trade unions. Business cycles generally influenced how much power unions could exert. Access to power resources and other conditions varied between different workers’ groups. While some attained considerable power over hiring and dismissal, others had no possibilities of taking part in decision-making.</p>

The aim of this thesis is to use a power perspective to describe the workers’ struggle for co-determination in the Swedish labour market during the period 1890–1939. The study explores how trade unions in general attempted to limit article 23, which asserted employers’ control over hiring and dismissal. At the same time the study clarifies differences in union power between various groups of workers. The prevalent historical view regarding the distribution of power in the labour market is thus questioned. The study shows that workers were not powerless before the Saltsjöbaden agreement in 1938. In certain areas workers, through their unions, already at the beginning of the 20th century had fairly good possibilities of influencing both hiring and dismissal. Collective agreements that were entered into before the defeat of the workers in the great conflict in the Swedish labour market in 1909, as well as collective agreements signed during the 1920s and 1930s, can make both the Saltsjöbaden agreement and present-day regulations look “hostile to workers”. In collective agreements workers achieved considerable limitations of employers’ arbitrary freedom to hire and dismiss workers. Certain unions could control their labour market efficiently by means of a labour exchange of their own. The development, however, varied over time and between different trade unions. Business cycles generally influenced how much power unions could exert. Access to power resources and other conditions varied between different workers’ groups. While some attained considerable power over hiring and dismissal, others had no possibilities of taking part in decision-making.

Αντικείμενο της παρούσας μελέτης είναι η θεωρητική επισκόπηση και ανάλυση των προσδιοριστικών παραγόντων, των πεδίων συγκρούσεων, των τάσεων και των προοπτικών των Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων, των σχέσεων που αναπτύσσονται ανάμεσα στους συλλογικά διαπραγματευόμενους εργαζόμενους με τους εργοδότες και διαμεσολαβείται από το κράτος και τους διεθνείς οργανισμούς. Επιχειρείται ο προσδιορισμός της ιστορικής τους καταβολής και εξέλιξης, ο καταλυτικός ρόλος των εργατικών συνδικάτων και η παρουσίαση των εννοιών της Βιομηχανικής Δημοκρατίας και της Βιομηχανικής Σύγκρουσης. Εξετάζεται το νέο - μεταφορντικό μοντέλο παραγωγής στα πλαίσια του σταδίου καπιταλιστικής ανάπτυξης του ολοκληρωτικού καπιταλισμού, η ευελιξία, η παγκοσμιοποίηση και οι διεθνικές επιχειρήσεις ως προσδιοριστικοί παράγοντες των σύγχρονων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων στο διεθνές περιβάλλον, εξετάζονται οι τάσεις σύγκλισης των συστημάτων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων και παρουσιάζεται ένα μοντέλο εργατικού διεθνισμού ως απάντηση των εργαζομένων στις διεθνείς πιέσεις. Η μελέτη εστιάζει, επίσης, στα χαρακτηριστικά των εργατικών και εργοδοτικών οργανώσεων, στα επίπεδα συνδικαλιστικής πυκνότητας και βιομηχανικής σύγκρουσης, στους θεσμούς, στις διαδικασίες διαλόγου και στις σύγχρονες τάσεις που καταγράφονται στις Βιομηχανικές Σχέσεις σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Επιχειρείται να προσδιοριστεί πώς η πολιτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης - που εκφράζεται μέσω των «Πράσινων» και «Λευκών Βίβλων» - συμβάλει στην ανάπτυξη πεδίων συγκρούσεων και αποτελεί προσδιοριστικό παράγοντα των Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και συμβάλει στην τάση σύγκλισης των εθνικών συστημάτων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων. Η ιστορική εξέλιξη, τα χαρακτηριστικά, οι βαθμίδες και οι τύποι συνδικαλιστικής οργάνωσης των εργατικών και εργοδοτικών οργανώσεων, τα πολιτικά ρεύματα που δραστηριοποιούνται εντός του εργατικού κινήματος, η συνδικαλιστική πυκνότητα και η εξέλιξη της απεργιακής δράσης στην Ελλάδα, αποτελούν σημαντικό τμήμα στην ανάλυση των ελληνικών Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων. Επιχειρείται μια σύνοψη των βασικών χαρακτηριστικών – προσδιοριστικών παραγόντων του ελληνικού συνδικαλιστικού κινήματος και η αποτύπωση των σύγχρονων τάσεων οργάνωσης εντός και εκτός των δομών του. Αποτυπώνονται τα βασικά χαρακτηριστικά των ελληνικών Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων και οι πρόσφατες εξελίξεις στο περιεχόμενο και τις δομές τους υπό την επίδραση της διαδικασίας της παγκοσμιοποίησης, του παγκόσμιου οικονομικού περιβάλλοντος και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. / The aim of the present study is the theoretical review and analysis of the defining factors, fields of conflicts, tendencies and perspectives of Industrial Relations, that are developed between collectively negotiating workers and the employers and are intermediated by the state and international organisations. It is also attempted to determinate their historical background and development, the catalytic role of working trade unions and to present significations such as Industrial Democracy and Industrial Conflict. The new post fordism mode of production in the frame of the new stage of capitalist development of totalitarian capitalism is examined, as well as the flexibility, the globalisation and the international enterprises as defining factors of modern Industrial Relations in the international environment. The tendencies of convergence of systems of Industrial Relations are also examined and a model of labor internationalism is presented as an answer of workers in international pressures. The study also focuses on the characteristics of workers’ and employers’ organisations at the level of trade-union density and industrial conflict, as well as on the institutions, the processes of dialogue and in the contemporary tendencies that are recorded in the Industrial Relations in European Union. It is attempted to determine how the policy of European Union - that it is expressed via “Green” and “White Papers” - constitutes a defining factor of Industrial Relations in the European Union and contributes to the growth of fields of conflicts and to the tendency to convergence of the national systems of Industrial Relations. The historical evolution, the characteristics, the levels and types of trade-union formation of labor and employing organisations, the political streaming activated in to the labor movement, the trade-union density and the evolution of strike action in Greece consist a major subject in the analysis of greek Industrial Relations. It is attempted a synopsis of the main characteristics and defining factors of greek labor movement and the imprinting of contemporary tendencies of internal and external organisation. The main characteristics of greek Industrial Relations and the recent developments of their content and structure under the effect of the globalisation process, the global economic environment and the European Union are recorded in the present study.