<p>Löntagarfonderna inrättades 1983 av den socialdemokratiska regeringen för att jämna ut löneskillnader i landet. Den borgerliga regeringen avvecklade löntagarfonderna under 1993. Fondpengarna användes delvis till att grunda stiftelser. Dessa stiftelser har fått kritik för oegentligheter och otydliga regelverk. En rapport med rekommendationer för att åtgärda problemen avslogs av Riksdagen 2001. I detta arbete jämförs en av löntagarfondsstiftelserna, Kunskaps- och kompetensstiftelsen, utifrån nyckeltal och några juridiska aspekter, med en referensstiftelse, Allmänna arvsfonden. Slutsatsen visar att det inte finns något tydlig skillnad i förvaltningen av pengarna, men problemen med avsaknaden av en tillsynsmyndighet för löntagarfondsstiftelserna med kontrollmakt kvarstår.</p>

Löntagarfonderna inrättades 1983 av den socialdemokratiska regeringen för att jämna ut löneskillnader i landet. Den borgerliga regeringen avvecklade löntagarfonderna under 1993. Fondpengarna användes delvis till att grunda stiftelser. Dessa stiftelser har fått kritik för oegentligheter och otydliga regelverk. En rapport med rekommendationer för att åtgärda problemen avslogs av Riksdagen 2001. I detta arbete jämförs en av löntagarfondsstiftelserna, Kunskaps- och kompetensstiftelsen, utifrån nyckeltal och några juridiska aspekter, med en referensstiftelse, Allmänna arvsfonden. Slutsatsen visar att det inte finns något tydlig skillnad i förvaltningen av pengarna, men problemen med avsaknaden av en tillsynsmyndighet för löntagarfondsstiftelserna med kontrollmakt kvarstår.

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The thesis examines the final debate of wage-earner funds in Sweden when the issue was discussed in the parliament during the voting in 21-22 December 1983. Through a discourse analysis, discourses and different ideological views in the debate are being questioned based on economic and political aspects when it comes to democracy in working life, which use to be known as economic democracy. It was a historical long parliamentary debate with 88 different speakers and 125 speeches that lasted for two days when the issue of the wage-earner funds was voted through by the Social Democratic Party. The thesis highlights various ideological statements that constitute the struggle in the debate and deepened with theories of democracy and economic democracy.

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p>

The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue. My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time. There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole. How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds. How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.