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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation och Landsorganisationen 1910-1930: Enhetsdebatten / Relations between the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish trade Union Confederation, 1910-1930: The Unification Debate

Ceginskas, Tove January 2009 (has links)
<p><strong>Relations between the Central </strong><strong>Organisation</strong><strong> of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, 1910-1930:</strong></p><p><strong>The Unification Debate</strong></p><p> </p><p>The purpose of this study is to depict the hostile relations between the two unions, the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (SAC), and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO), between the years 1910 and 1930, the proposal of and following debate about unification being especially focused on. The questions are the following:</p><p>1. What ideological differences where there between SAC and LO? 2. What ideas were common in the debate? 3. What arguments had the organisations pro and against unification? 4. What changes would the proposal, if accomplished, had lead to? 5. Why did SAC turn the proposal down?</p><p>My theory is that the different ideological and organisational differences stopped unification from happening, this being the reason both for the proposal of unification and for it being turned down. My conclusions are that this was in fact the reason: when LO proposed unification it was with the purpose of keeping the organisation reformist. SAC turned the proposal down because the organisation is revolutionary. These fundamental ideological differences in turn affected its goal and means in such a matter that any unification that would keep elements of both ideologies became impossible.</p><p>The primary sources for the study are the original proposal from LO, and a brochure from SAC, explaining their answer. In addition, I studied both of the organisations’ regulations and two propaganda brochures from LO about syndicalism.</p>
2

Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation och Landsorganisationen 1910-1930: Enhetsdebatten / Relations between the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish trade Union Confederation, 1910-1930: The Unification Debate

Ceginskas, Tove January 2009 (has links)
Relations between the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, 1910-1930: The Unification Debate   The purpose of this study is to depict the hostile relations between the two unions, the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (SAC), and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO), between the years 1910 and 1930, the proposal of and following debate about unification being especially focused on. The questions are the following: 1. What ideological differences where there between SAC and LO? 2. What ideas were common in the debate? 3. What arguments had the organisations pro and against unification? 4. What changes would the proposal, if accomplished, had lead to? 5. Why did SAC turn the proposal down? My theory is that the different ideological and organisational differences stopped unification from happening, this being the reason both for the proposal of unification and for it being turned down. My conclusions are that this was in fact the reason: when LO proposed unification it was with the purpose of keeping the organisation reformist. SAC turned the proposal down because the organisation is revolutionary. These fundamental ideological differences in turn affected its goal and means in such a matter that any unification that would keep elements of both ideologies became impossible. The primary sources for the study are the original proposal from LO, and a brochure from SAC, explaining their answer. In addition, I studied both of the organisations’ regulations and two propaganda brochures from LO about syndicalism.
3

Bruket och arbetarna : Arbets- och anställningsförhållanden vid Åtvidabergs kopparverk 1800-1890

Larsson, Mikael January 2008 (has links)
<p>This paper illustrates the working conditions at the copper factory in Åtvidaberg during 1800-1890 from different views. The highest salary was given to the building contractor. Thereafter came in order the rust turners, the garmaker, the melter, the ore booker, the factory supervisor and the garmaker hand. Also the rest of the working conditions for different employees might differ from each other in this order. The mine workers generally earned a little less than the other workers at the factory, and especially the workers in the Bersbo mine. The salary was mainly taken out in cash, rye, herring, salt and schnaps. Other benefits that the workers enjoyed included accomodation, firewood, potatoe land, free medical care and medicaments, temporary disability pension, great profits for women and children, a permament working profit etcetera. The factory workers and especially the miners in Åtvidaberg had poor working conditions, they were low-paid and had much to do during long working days which lasted around 12-15.5 hours in a non-confidental working environment. Women and children had worse working conditions than men.</p>
4

Bruket och arbetarna : Arbets- och anställningsförhållanden vid Åtvidabergs kopparverk 1800-1890

Larsson, Mikael January 2008 (has links)
This paper illustrates the working conditions at the copper factory in Åtvidaberg during 1800-1890 from different views. The highest salary was given to the building contractor. Thereafter came in order the rust turners, the garmaker, the melter, the ore booker, the factory supervisor and the garmaker hand. Also the rest of the working conditions for different employees might differ from each other in this order. The mine workers generally earned a little less than the other workers at the factory, and especially the workers in the Bersbo mine. The salary was mainly taken out in cash, rye, herring, salt and schnaps. Other benefits that the workers enjoyed included accomodation, firewood, potatoe land, free medical care and medicaments, temporary disability pension, great profits for women and children, a permament working profit etcetera. The factory workers and especially the miners in Åtvidaberg had poor working conditions, they were low-paid and had much to do during long working days which lasted around 12-15.5 hours in a non-confidental working environment. Women and children had worse working conditions than men.
5

Korslagde armar och tomma kassakistor : Avdelning 332 vid Grycksbo Pappersbruk och storstrejken 1909

Koszinowski, Mathes January 2005 (has links)
Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur en fackförening på en liten ort i Dalarna upplevt den stora arbetsmarknadskonflikt hösten 1909, känd som storstrejken. Hur dess medlemmar upplevde de påfrestningar de drabbades av och hur de klarade strejken och dess följder. Materialet består av mötesprotokoll från avdelningen samt den korrespondens som förekom mellan fackföreningen och förbundsledningen, och LO:s landssekretariat. I centrum för undersökningen står den under 1907 startade fackföreningen vid J.H. Munktells pappersbruk AB i Grycksbo, avdelning 332, tillhörande Grov- och Fabriksarbetarförbundet. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att fackföreningen kände en mycket begränsad entusiasm för storstrejken, beroende på dålig ekonomi och bristande tilltro till den egna förmågan. Vid strejkens början gick fackföreningen lojalt ut i strejk. Den fortsatta utvecklingen ledde till den inte ovanliga bilden med blockad och fridlysning av arbetsplatsen, strejkbryteri och ett med tiden ökande antal arbetare som gav upp strejken och sitt fackliga engagemang. För några få arbetare blev konsekvensen avsked. För fackföreningen blev konsekvensen ett drastiskt minskande medlemsantal.
6

Lokal Industrihistoria : En analys av Gamla Halmstads industrihistoriska böcker

Ivan, Zbasnik January 2021 (has links)
Historia om industrin har fokuserat mycket på den tekniska utvecklingen i stort och detta återspeglas i den allmänna historieskrivningen. På senare tid har intresset för lokal industri och mikrohistoria komma fram. Detta reflekteras i Gamla Halmstads publikationer skrivna i syfte att bevara denna del av Hallands historia. Uppsatsen analyserar hur föreningen Gamla Halmstad beskriver de lokala företagens historia, deras tekniska utveckling och arbetarnas situation i sina publikationer om Hallands industrier. Uppsatsen analyserar även hur lokal historia har skrivits för andra platser samt hur historiker har beskrivit dessa industrier, arbetarnas situation och den tekniska utvecklingen. Noterbart är att böcker skrivna av historiker från samma tidsepok lägger stor vikt på den tekniska utvecklingen men det finns också ett fokus på arbetarnas historia. Gamla Halmstads böcker liknar i mycket de industrihistoriska böcker som analyseras i forskningsläget. Böckerna har dock haft sitt fokus på företagen, främst på vad som har haft direkt påverkan på deras utveckling och ekonomi. Arbetarnas situation beskrivs ofta som en kamp mellan arbetare och arbetsgivare om arbetsförhållanden, arbetstider och löner. Böckerna ger också en viss inblick i arbetarnas liv och sociala villkor. Endast boken Med stål i trä nämner inte arbetarnas situation. Den tekniska utvecklingen framställs både i positiva och negativa termer. För en del av industrierna ledde nya tekniker och teknologier till ökad tillväxt med billigare och effektivare produktion. Samtidigt har många av de nya teknikerna och teknologierna fått företag att gå i konkurs eftersom deras produkter har blivit obsoleta. Framställningen av både arbetarnas situation och den tekniska utvecklingen stöds av bildmaterial i alla publikationer.
7

Nu gäller det att hålla samman! : Konfliktrepertoarer under järnvägsstrejken 1922 i Åmål

Fjellman-Lätt, Åsa January 2020 (has links)
Den 14 augusti 1922 utbröt strejk vid de enskilda järnvägarna i Sverige. Det är en av de största strejkerna som genomförts i landet med ca 4 878 strejkande. Bergslagernas Järnvägar, som hade sträckan Göteborg C – Kil – Falun C, var en av de järnvägar som drogs in i strejken. Bergslagernas Järnvägar hade sin huvudverkstad förlagd i Åmål och den kom att bli en av de största strejkplatserna. Fackföreningarna vid järnvägen bildade strejkutskott för att organisera och genomföra strejken. I Åmåls Föreningsarkiv finns handlingar från strejkutskottet i Åmål och de handlingarna är källmaterialet i den här uppsatsen. Under mellankrigstiden var konflikterna mellan arbetsgivare och arbetstagare ibland våldsamma och de strejkande använde sig av olika aktioner i form av konfliktrepertoarer för att försvara strejken och hindra strejkbrytare från att ta arbete vid de strejkdrabbade arbetsplatserna. Uppsatsen är ett bidrag till forskningsfältet arbetarhistoria med syfte att undersöka hur de strejkande använde sig av konfliktrepertoarer, hur dessa såg ut och i vilket syfte de användes. Resultatet av studien visar att de vanligast använda strejkrepertoarerna var hemföljning, uppvaktning och uthängning av strejkbrytare samt att det förekom aktiviteter för att stärka solidariteten bland de strejkande och skapa distans till strejkbrytarna. Konfliktrepertoarerna innehöll olika ritualer och blev meningsskapande för de strejkande genom att repertoarerna värnade om strejken som vapen, stärkte identiteten som arbetare, skapade sammanhållning och gav de strejkande möjlighet att skapa berättelsen om strejken.
8

Skandinaviska Socialistiska Arbetareförbundet 1904-1928

Landberg, Kaj January 2015 (has links)
No description available.
9

På sina höga hästar : En undersökning om etnisk hierarkisk arbetsdelning inom immigrerad arbetskraft på Iföverken 1895-1930 / On their high horses : A study of ethnic hierarchical division of labor of immigrant workforce on Iföverken 1895-1930

Apelros, Joel January 2022 (has links)
This is a study of an ethnic hierarchical division of labor on Iföverken in the south of Sweden between 1895-1930. The study aims to see if migrants got different kind of profession at Iföverken and if there were in fact ethnic hierarchical distribution of work. It also aims to see if the pattern of ethnic hierarchical division of labor was different before and after the First World War. Also, the study aims to see in what regard these labor migrants became members of the local union, division 227. By studying if labor migrants got different kind of professions using the concept of class in a structuralist perspective, hierarchical positions become visible. Using moving in and out records that the priests wrote as migrants arrived and member list of the union as the main sources, the study shows that there existed a pattern of ethnic hierarchical division of labor. The results show that migrants from regions with Slavic population got the most unskilled work while migrants from regions with German population made most of the professional and higher valued workforce. There where some migrants that became active members of the union division 227, consequently it can be argued that these migrants where a part of a collective movement and class struggle.
10

Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939 / Democracy Beyond Politics : An Analysis of the Concept of Democracy within the Swedish Social Democratic Party 1919–1939

Friberg, Anna January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden’s theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.

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