Esta tese propõe-se a investigar os usos do livro na América Portuguesa, fazendo referências também a Portugal. Embora concentre-se nos anos compreendidos entre 1750 e 1822, para compreender as especificidades deste mesmo período, recua quando necessário ao século XVI. Primeiramente, apresenta um quadro das referências culturais e dos alvos de ataque da censura portuguesa e dos leitores no período do Reformismo Ilustrado: de um lado, as teorias corporativas de poder da Segunda Escolástica, os milenarismos e o anti-cientificismo e, de outro, a Ilustração e, ainda, as linhas gerais do Reformismo Ilustrado português, de Pombal ao Príncipe Regente D. João VI. Em segundo lugar, focaliza a atuação da censura e da Coroa em relação aos livros, isto é, os usos prescritos e interditados, avaliando os parâmetros censórios e suas modificações sob o Reformismo Ilustrado; acompanhando as práticas de controle e, inversamente, de difusão que afetaram a circulação e a posse de livros; e, ainda, examinando as concessões de licença para a leitura de livros proibidos. Por fim, aborda os usos do livro no mundo luso-brasileiro, através da análise da distribuição da posse de livros e da composição das bibliotecas; depois, da identificação das concepções de uso formuladas pelos próprios leitores; e, em seguida, examinando as práticas de leitura que acompanharam a formulação de proposições heréticas e, de forma mais particularizada, a Conjuração de Minas Gerais, avaliando os pesos respectivos da influência das Luzes e de outras referências culturais. / This thesis proposes a research about the uses of books in Portuguese-America with reference to Portugal also. Although it concentrates in the years between 1750 and 1822, it goes back to the sixteenth Century to understand particular characteristics of the later period. Firstly, it presents a series of cultural references and some practices of the Portuguese censorship with readers during the period of the Enlightened Reformism. On one hand, there were the corporate theories of power from the Second Scholastic, the millennium beliefs and the anti-scientificism, and, on the other hand, the Enlightenment and the main characteristics of the Portuguese Enlightened Reformism, since the rule of marquis of Pombal until that of the Regent Prince D. João VI. Secondly, it focuses on the practices censorship and the Crown in relation to books - that is, the prescribed and prohibited use which evaluated the parameters that established censorship and their modifications under the Enlightened Reformism. Also it accompanies the controlling practices and the diffusion practices that affected the circulation and the possession of books and examines the concession of licenses for the reading of prohibited books. Finally, it incorporates the uses of books in the Portuguese-Brazilian world through, the analysis, lastly, of the distribution of the possession of books and the composition of libraries and the conceptions identified and formulated by the readers themselves. Concluding, the practices that accompanied the formulation of heretic proposals and the Inconfidência Mineira are examined and specifically the different influences of the Enlightenment and other cultural influences.

Por intermédio do exame de escritos políticos e científicos, correspondências e anotações pessoais, esta dissertação analisa as concepções de mestiçagem veiculadas por José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva, entre os anos de 1783 e 1823. Discute-se seu posicionamento frente às teorias raciais correntes em sua época. Percebe-se que, afastando-se das mesmas, seus escritos revelam uma visão pragmática coerente com os pressupostos do reformismo ilustrado português. Tais concepções orientaram seu projeto de construção do Estado e da nação brasileira. A análise de suas propostas de mestiçagem revela ainda a configuração de uma política pública, que objetivava viabilizar a inclusão social das populações livres-pobres, ainda que de maneira socialmente hierarquizada. / Through analysis of political and scientifical writings, correspondence and personal notes, this essay analyses the conceptions of mixed blood (mestiçagem) by José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva, between 1783 and 1823. It discusses his attitude before the racial theories prevailing at his time, and his distance from those theories. His writings reveal a pragmatic view in according to the political dilemmas of Portuguese Enlightened Reformism. Such conceptions guided his construction project of the State and the Brazilian nation. The analysis of his mestiçagem proposals reveals the configuration of a public policy which intended to make the social inclusion of the poor free people feasible, although preserving the hierarquical society.

O estudo do nacionalismo como conceito e como prática política mostra que não se pode atribuir ao termo um significado unívoco. De fato, alguns autores procuraram ressaltar que o nacionalismo potencialmente cumpria um papel muito diferente nas periferias do Sistema Mundial, quando não oposto, ao que se verificava com maior frequência nos países centrais. Na América Latina e no Brasil, o nacionalismo só foi articulado de modo coerente nas primeiras décadas do século XX. Antes disso, em sua notação moderna, não se observou nenhuma tentativa de articulação desse tipo em sociedades que reproduziam, em larga medida, os esquemas herdados do colonialismo. O nacionalismo foi articulado de modo coerente na região quando esteve teórica ou politicamente ligado a um programa que visava integrar as parcelas majoritárias da população, historicamente excluídas, ao país. Essa tarefa foi vista como o passo essencial para, de fato, criar a nação e, por essa via, se observava uma forte articulação do nacionalismo com o anti-imperialismo. Por outro lado, o nacionalismo de matriz conservadora demonstrava pouca capacidade de sustentar de modo consequente os elementos que caracterizavam o que o nacionalismo poderia ser em países coloniais e ex-coloniais ou periféricos. Essa incapacidade se dava geralmente porque tais forças sociais conservadoras não podiam assumir compromissos mais amplos de integração, em função de seu caráter eminentemente antipopular. Assim, o nacionalismo assumia com frequência a face do ufanismo vazio e patrioteiro, ou o melindre com questões pontuais irrelevantes, ou ainda a mera utilização política de um conceito com ampla repercussão popular. Politicamente, a América Latina viveu seus ciclos nacionalistas por meio de governos policlassistas, com grande relevância de lideranças carismáticas que realizaram parcialmente as tarefas de integração e construção nacional em seus países. A tentativa de desqualificar essa experiência pela via do populismo parte de pressuposições teóricas esquemáticas e inadequadas que empobrecem a compreensão do processo histórico e político desses países. A atualidade, a relevância e o resgate contemporâneos do nacionalismo como teoria e como prática política passam pela busca de uma revisão profunda da ortodoxia epistemológica que se consolidou através de uma ótica eurocêntrica, cientificista e esquemática constituída no século XIX. Nos dias de hoje, o laboratório latino-americano do nacionalismo pode potencialmente assumir uma nova face, ao realizar sua mais antiga tradição e vocação, aquela que remete a um nacionalismo integracionista, de cunho regional, isto é, um nacionalismo internacionalista. / The study of nationalism as a concept and as a political practice shows that no univocal meaning can be attached to the term. In fact, some authors argue that nationalism possibly played a very different, if not opposite, role in the peripheries of the World System from what was often observed in central countries. In Latin America and Brazil, nationalism had not been articulated in a consistent manner until the first decades of the twentieth century. Prior to that, no attempts for such articulation were observed under its modern definition in societies that largely reproduced the schemes inherited from colonialism. Nationalism has been consistently articulated in the region when theoretically or politically linked to a program aimed at integrating the major sectors of the population, which had been historically excluded, into the country. This task was viewed as the essential step for the true creation of the nation and, through this way, nationalism was strongly linked to anti-imperialism. Conversely, the nationalism of conservative matrix showed little capacity to support, in a consistent manner, the elements that characterized what nationalism could be in colonial and ex-colonial or peripheral countries. This incapacity usually stemmed from the fact that such conservative social forces could not take on broader integration commitments due to their decidedly antipopular character. Thus, nationalism would often take on the face of the shallow, flag-waving jingoism, or grudges with specific irrelevant issues, or the mere political use of a concept of wide popular impact. Politically, Latin America experienced its nationalist cycles via cross-class governments that relied heavily on charismatic leaders who partly fulfilled the integration and nation-building tasks in their countries. The attempt to discredit this experience of populism stems from schematic and inadequate theoretical assumptions that undermine the understanding of the historical and political process in these countries. The current relevance and rescue of nationalism as a theory and as a political practice depend on a thorough review of the epistemological orthodoxy that was consolidated through a Eurocentric, scientistic, and schematic view originated in the nineteenth century. Today, the Latin-American laboratory of nationalism can potentially take on a new face to fulfill its ancient tradition and vocation, one that harks back to an integrationist nationalism of regional nature, i.e., internationalist nationalism.

Orientador: Paulo Henrique Martinez / Banca: Wilton Carlos Lima da Silva / Banca: Enezila de Lima / Resumo: As realidades políticas e sociais são determinantes na explicação da prevalência de modelos de caridade e assistência em detrimento de outros. No Reino Português o sistema assistencial acompanhou a evolução do modelo europeu, estruturado nos valores do Cristianismo, em que couberam à comunidade as respostas para os problemas sociais. Com base na filosofia das Luzes, além de questões de cunho técnico-científico em busca do progresso econômico, ou com a garantia das fronteiras territoriais, nota-se após a transferência da Corte para o Brasil, e principalmente após a Independência, um despertar para a realidade social brasileira, em que ação do Estado na intervenção na questão assistencial esteve ligada não só à preocupação de que esse cuidado não caísse sobre si, mas também à política de manutenção da ordem tradicional. Pensando nisso, essa pesquisa procurou conhecer o comportamento do Estado monárquico constitucional brasileiro diante dos .socorros públicos. no momento da organização de suas bases jurídicas e administrativas. As principais fontes que a fundamentaram foram as Leis e Decisões de Governo do Império do Brasil de 1822 a 1834, cuja análise permitiu dimensionar as mudanças na concepção das obrigações do Estado e o discurso que ele próprio produzia de si, tornando explícita a estreita relação entre pobreza, desordem, trabalho e o desenvolvimento de uma moral, logo, a intimidade da questão da assistência com os interesses do Estado. / Abstract: Political and social realities are determining factors in the explanation of the predominance of certain charity and social assistance models. In the Portuguese Kingdom the social assistance system followed the evolution of the European model, based on Christian values, in which the community was in charge of responding to social problems. Based on the Enlightment philosophy, apart from technical scientific issues in search of economic progress or guarantees for territorial frontiers, after the transfer of the Royal Court to Brazil and especially after Independence, an awakening is observed as to Brazil.s social reality, in which State agency in social assistance issues was tied not only to the preoccupation that such care would not be devolved to the State itself but also to the policy of maintaining traditional order. With such in mind, this research seeks to reveal the behavior of the Brazilian Constitutional Monarchy as to public social aid at the moment of organizing her legal and administrative foundations. The main sources that grounded these were the Leis e Decisões de Governo do Império do Brasil de 1822 a 1834 (Laws and Decisions of the Government of the Empire of Brazil from 1822 to 1832), the analysis of which enabled dimensioning the changes in the conception of the State.s responsibilities and the discourse it produced on itself, revealing the tight relation between poverty, disorder, work and the development of a moral, therefore, between the intimacy of the social assistance issue and the concerns of the State. / Mestre

O estudo do nacionalismo como conceito e como prática política mostra que não se pode atribuir ao termo um significado unívoco. De fato, alguns autores procuraram ressaltar que o nacionalismo potencialmente cumpria um papel muito diferente nas periferias do Sistema Mundial, quando não oposto, ao que se verificava com maior frequência nos países centrais. Na América Latina e no Brasil, o nacionalismo só foi articulado de modo coerente nas primeiras décadas do século XX. Antes disso, em sua notação moderna, não se observou nenhuma tentativa de articulação desse tipo em sociedades que reproduziam, em larga medida, os esquemas herdados do colonialismo. O nacionalismo foi articulado de modo coerente na região quando esteve teórica ou politicamente ligado a um programa que visava integrar as parcelas majoritárias da população, historicamente excluídas, ao país. Essa tarefa foi vista como o passo essencial para, de fato, criar a nação e, por essa via, se observava uma forte articulação do nacionalismo com o anti-imperialismo. Por outro lado, o nacionalismo de matriz conservadora demonstrava pouca capacidade de sustentar de modo consequente os elementos que caracterizavam o que o nacionalismo poderia ser em países coloniais e ex-coloniais ou periféricos. Essa incapacidade se dava geralmente porque tais forças sociais conservadoras não podiam assumir compromissos mais amplos de integração, em função de seu caráter eminentemente antipopular. Assim, o nacionalismo assumia com frequência a face do ufanismo vazio e patrioteiro, ou o melindre com questões pontuais irrelevantes, ou ainda a mera utilização política de um conceito com ampla repercussão popular. Politicamente, a América Latina viveu seus ciclos nacionalistas por meio de governos policlassistas, com grande relevância de lideranças carismáticas que realizaram parcialmente as tarefas de integração e construção nacional em seus países. A tentativa de desqualificar essa experiência pela via do populismo parte de pressuposições teóricas esquemáticas e inadequadas que empobrecem a compreensão do processo histórico e político desses países. A atualidade, a relevância e o resgate contemporâneos do nacionalismo como teoria e como prática política passam pela busca de uma revisão profunda da ortodoxia epistemológica que se consolidou através de uma ótica eurocêntrica, cientificista e esquemática constituída no século XIX. Nos dias de hoje, o laboratório latino-americano do nacionalismo pode potencialmente assumir uma nova face, ao realizar sua mais antiga tradição e vocação, aquela que remete a um nacionalismo integracionista, de cunho regional, isto é, um nacionalismo internacionalista. / The study of nationalism as a concept and as a political practice shows that no univocal meaning can be attached to the term. In fact, some authors argue that nationalism possibly played a very different, if not opposite, role in the peripheries of the World System from what was often observed in central countries. In Latin America and Brazil, nationalism had not been articulated in a consistent manner until the first decades of the twentieth century. Prior to that, no attempts for such articulation were observed under its modern definition in societies that largely reproduced the schemes inherited from colonialism. Nationalism has been consistently articulated in the region when theoretically or politically linked to a program aimed at integrating the major sectors of the population, which had been historically excluded, into the country. This task was viewed as the essential step for the true creation of the nation and, through this way, nationalism was strongly linked to anti-imperialism. Conversely, the nationalism of conservative matrix showed little capacity to support, in a consistent manner, the elements that characterized what nationalism could be in colonial and ex-colonial or peripheral countries. This incapacity usually stemmed from the fact that such conservative social forces could not take on broader integration commitments due to their decidedly antipopular character. Thus, nationalism would often take on the face of the shallow, flag-waving jingoism, or grudges with specific irrelevant issues, or the mere political use of a concept of wide popular impact. Politically, Latin America experienced its nationalist cycles via cross-class governments that relied heavily on charismatic leaders who partly fulfilled the integration and nation-building tasks in their countries. The attempt to discredit this experience of populism stems from schematic and inadequate theoretical assumptions that undermine the understanding of the historical and political process in these countries. The current relevance and rescue of nationalism as a theory and as a political practice depend on a thorough review of the epistemological orthodoxy that was consolidated through a Eurocentric, scientistic, and schematic view originated in the nineteenth century. Today, the Latin-American laboratory of nationalism can potentially take on a new face to fulfill its ancient tradition and vocation, one that harks back to an integrationist nationalism of regional nature, i.e., internationalist nationalism.

[pas de résumé] / Jean Charbonnel was part of that generation of "young wolves", sponsored by Georges Pompidou, which - from the beginning of the 1960s - embarked on the conquest of those parts of the country that were hostile to Gaullism. That was how Jean Charbonnel succeeded in being elected a "député" in a part of the Corrèze that was "radical-socialiste", in which the initial contacts with local politics were more than difficult. With that victory on which to build, Jean Charbonnel made for himself a real stronghold in the south of the department (the "Pays de Brive") where he became a "conseiller général" (1964-1968), mayor of Brive (1966-1995), the initiator of the first forms of "intercommunalité", and a deputy for a total of fifteen years. With this base of practical experience on the ground, his Gaullism became clearly orientated towards a search for, and the defence of, a better social justice through the realisation of novel mechanisms whose aim was the integration of handicapped schoolchildren, and of young people into the world of work, or through the responsibility that was taken for older members of the community with the construction of "foyers-logements" (sheltered housing). Such local social action was echoed on the national level, particularly when Jean Charbonnel became "Ministre du Développement industriel et scientifique" (1972-1974), within the context of the "affaire Lipp" when he tried to obtain true recognition for the eminently "gaullien" principle of Participation, taking into account the interests of the workers, of the salaried employees and of the management. Jean Charbonnel's political action claimed to be resolutely progressive but above all reformist as it sought to associate the citizen - according to the place that he actually occupied within the Community - with the great reforms of the country. This thesis seeks therefore to comprehend how a Gaullist managed to establish himself in a left-wing area - the "Pays de Brive" -and the way in which his action made of him a left-wing Gaullist or rather a "gaulliste social" because he was intellectually nearer the Right than the Left, and above all because he never sought to break away from mainstream gaullism, by which he was quite different from the left-wing Gaullists

Masters of Commerce / Highly enriched uranium (HEU) is one of the most dangerous materials in the world, because it is a key ingredient in making a nuclear bomb. If a terrorist organisation can get HEU, it would be close to making a nuclear bomb. After South Africa disarmed its nuclear weapons, it kept HEU that was extracted from the nuclear bombs. The US tried to persuade South Africa to blend down its HEU into low enriched uranium (LEU) or give it up for safekeeping. However, South Africa refused to give it up. After a breach at Pelindaba, a national key point facility where South Africa stores its HEU, the US intensified its efforts to pressure South Africa to give its HEU up. It even promised incentives to South Africa should they agree to give it up, but South Africa refused. The US used the nuclear terrorism narrative to justify its initiative to eliminate vulnerable materials in the world. However, South Africa is yet to be swayed. This is odd since South Africa's refusal can negatively affect its credentials as a nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament champion and its image as a norm entrepreneur. The objective of the study was to understand the role played by HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. It was to explore HEU as a factor in the state's nuclear diplomacy and to understand the power of having HEU in nuclear negotiations, as well as what SA intends to do with its HEU. The study is framed theoretically by drawing on foreign policy theory, namely middle-power theory, and revisionism. It juxtaposed middle power, reformist, and revisionist positions with status quo foreign policy to analyse the role of HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. As a middle power with a moral high ground, South Africa hoped that it can affect change in the nuclear regime. However, when this did not occur its foreign policy shifted to a revisionist character that is discontent with the status quo in the nuclear regime. SA is dissatisfied with the current nuclear order and wants it revised towards liberal values such as equality and non-discrimination. It views the current nuclear order as nuclear apartheid. Therefore, South Africa uses HEU as leverage against nuclear weapon states in nuclear diplomacy. It is using HEU as an act of defiance against nuclear weapon states (such as the US) that are yet to disarm their nuclear weapons.

Na segunda metade do século XVIII, acirraram-se as disputas entre espanhóis e portugueses pela definição da soberania territorial sobre as colônias americanas. Com as indefinições demarcatórias deflagradas pelo Tratado de Madrid (1750), ambas as Coroas buscaram estabelecer o uti possidetis sobre os territórios fronteiriços através da instalação de fortes militares, povoações e reduções de índios. Esta tese problematiza a expansão dos impérios ibéricos sobre os vales dos rios Guaporé e Paraguai, buscando analisar seus impactos sócioeconômicos sobre populações indígenas e colonos. O objetivo principal é analisar os dispositivos de controle social empregados pelas administrações de ambos os impérios sobre os grupos indígenas que habitavam essa área e sobre os colonos destacados para servir em fortificações e povoações, e as relações de poder entre uns e outros. Dividida em três partes, a tese estuda as formas de controle do espaço nas fortificações, vilas e reduções; as estratégias das políticas indigenistas para atrair e incorporar os grupos fronteiriços às povoações; e a vida cotidiana desses estabelecimentos, especialmente no que tange ao recrutamento militar, ao abastecimento e aos custos para colonos e provedorias das províncias. A hipótese defendida é a de que a delegação de poderes a caciques de grupos aliados e a transferência de parte dos custos da defesa militar das fronteiras aos colonos foram os dispositivos básicos que sustentaram, ainda que com especificidades de cada lado, tanto a expansão portuguesa quanto a espanhola sobre essas regiões centrais da América do Sul. / The disputes between Spaniards and Portuguese on the definition of the territorial sovereignty on American colonies were stimulated in the second half of the seventeenth century. With the fail of the Treaty of Madrid (1750) to demarcate the frontier, both Crowns pretended to establish the uti possidetis through the installation of military forts, villages and missions. This thesis analyses the expansion of the Iberian empires on the valleys of the rivers Guaporé and Paraguay, and focuses on their socioeconomic impacts on indigenous populations and settlers. The main objective is to analyze the mechanisms of social control used by the administrations of both empires on the indigenous groups that inhabited that area and on the settlers that serve in fortifications and lived in villages, and the relationships of power among them. Divided in three parts, this thesis studies the forms of control of the space in the fortifications, villages and missions; the strategies of the indigenist policy to attract and relocate Indians to reservations; and the daily life of those establishments, especially with respect to the military recruitment, provisioning and the costs for settlers and Real Treasury. I argue that the delegation of powers to caciques of allied groups and the transfer of part of the military costs to the same settlers were the basic devices with which the system could be sustained, although with specificities on each side, in both Portuguese and Spaniard expansion on those central areas of South America.

Le point de départ de ce travail est une critique du récit historiographique sur le conflit entre développement et préservation du patrimoine et du paysage qui porte sur la catégorie interprétative de la spéculation, vision qui reprend au niveau historiographique le discours militant de l’époque, se basant sur les catégories d’intérêts, de corruption, de « blocco edilizio », expression qui indique un bloc social constitué par les propriétaires de terrains, les sociétés immobilières et la classe politique dominante. Selon ce récit, l’entière période des Trente Glorieuses est vue comme l’échec du public et toute responsabilité en est attribuée à la volonté de la classe politique nationale et locale, sans distinctions entre la période dite du « centrisme », caractérisée par la présence solitaire au pouvoir du parti catholique (la Démocratie Chrétienne) et la période dite du « centre gauche » caractérisée par l’alliance entre parti catholique et parti socialiste autour d’un programme « réformiste », dont l’un des points fondamentaux est la réforme de l’urbanisme. Le cas de Syracuse, analysé dans une perspective d’histoire urbaine mais toujours par rapport au processus nationaux, part de la déconstruction de la narration dominante des « dommages » infligés à la ville en tant qu’elle résulte d’une approche idéologique remontant à la vision élitiste d’une minorité d’intellectuels, reprise et utilisée dans la lecture de ce processus par la gauche radicale pour démolir l’expérience réformiste. Nous visons au contraire à souligner l’importance des savoirs techniques et disciplinaires, de l’articulation des apparats bureaucratiques héritée de l’avant-guerre et des orientations de la jurisprudence nationale. Cette approche nous permet d’établir une distinction entre les deux phases politiques qui représente à notre avis un véritable facteur de discontinuité dans la période concernée. / The starting point of this work is a critique of the dominant historiographical discourse about the conflict between development and conservation of cultural heritage and landscape, based on the interpretative category of speculation and postulating the homogeneity of the process of transformation of the Italian cities during the «Golden Age».Such reading descends – on a historiographical level – from the militant discourse of the time, based on the categories of «interests», «corruption», «blocco edilizio», i. e. a social block represented by landowners, estate agents and the dominating political class. According to this narrative, the whole period is to be interpreted as the failure of the public and the complete responsibility for this is to be attributed to the will of both national and local politicians. Such perspective does not operate any distinction between the so-called period of «centrism», characterised by the solitary position of power of the Catholic party (The Christian Democracy), and the period known as the «Centre-left rule», characterised by the alliance of the Catholic party and the Socialist one converging on a «reformist» project, which postulated the urban planning reform as one of its fundamental points. The historical representation of the case of Syracuse moves from the deconstruction of the dominant discourse traced back to the elitist vision of a minority of intellectuals; a vision recalled and adopted by the radical left in order to provide a representation of this process meant to demolish the reformist experience. Our aim, on the contrary, is to point out the importance of the technical and disciplinary knowledge as well as of the articulation of the bureaucratic apparatus inherited from the inter-war years and of the addresses of national jurisprudence. In this perspective, the experience of the center-left urban government represents a real turning point, creating the premises for a better preservation of the urban cultural heritage.

Na segunda metade do século XVIII, acirraram-se as disputas entre espanhóis e portugueses pela definição da soberania territorial sobre as colônias americanas. Com as indefinições demarcatórias deflagradas pelo Tratado de Madrid (1750), ambas as Coroas buscaram estabelecer o uti possidetis sobre os territórios fronteiriços através da instalação de fortes militares, povoações e reduções de índios. Esta tese problematiza a expansão dos impérios ibéricos sobre os vales dos rios Guaporé e Paraguai, buscando analisar seus impactos sócioeconômicos sobre populações indígenas e colonos. O objetivo principal é analisar os dispositivos de controle social empregados pelas administrações de ambos os impérios sobre os grupos indígenas que habitavam essa área e sobre os colonos destacados para servir em fortificações e povoações, e as relações de poder entre uns e outros. Dividida em três partes, a tese estuda as formas de controle do espaço nas fortificações, vilas e reduções; as estratégias das políticas indigenistas para atrair e incorporar os grupos fronteiriços às povoações; e a vida cotidiana desses estabelecimentos, especialmente no que tange ao recrutamento militar, ao abastecimento e aos custos para colonos e provedorias das províncias. A hipótese defendida é a de que a delegação de poderes a caciques de grupos aliados e a transferência de parte dos custos da defesa militar das fronteiras aos colonos foram os dispositivos básicos que sustentaram, ainda que com especificidades de cada lado, tanto a expansão portuguesa quanto a espanhola sobre essas regiões centrais da América do Sul. / The disputes between Spaniards and Portuguese on the definition of the territorial sovereignty on American colonies were stimulated in the second half of the seventeenth century. With the fail of the Treaty of Madrid (1750) to demarcate the frontier, both Crowns pretended to establish the uti possidetis through the installation of military forts, villages and missions. This thesis analyses the expansion of the Iberian empires on the valleys of the rivers Guaporé and Paraguay, and focuses on their socioeconomic impacts on indigenous populations and settlers. The main objective is to analyze the mechanisms of social control used by the administrations of both empires on the indigenous groups that inhabited that area and on the settlers that serve in fortifications and lived in villages, and the relationships of power among them. Divided in three parts, this thesis studies the forms of control of the space in the fortifications, villages and missions; the strategies of the indigenist policy to attract and relocate Indians to reservations; and the daily life of those establishments, especially with respect to the military recruitment, provisioning and the costs for settlers and Real Treasury. I argue that the delegation of powers to caciques of allied groups and the transfer of part of the military costs to the same settlers were the basic devices with which the system could be sustained, although with specificities on each side, in both Portuguese and Spaniard expansion on those central areas of South America.