This thesis assesses the contributions of Gaullists to the political practice of Gaullism during the 1960s. Many of those who have written about Gaullism - historians, political scientists, journalists and politicians alike - have tended to focus too narrowly on the personality, beliefs and actions of Charles de Gaulle. Much analysis has been devoted to the General's approach to government, both its substance and its style. However, neglect of the activities of his political associates and supporters has led to an incomplete understanding of the broader political phenomenon that he inspired. This thesis aims to redress this imbalance by highlighting the ways in which individual Gaullists sought to contribute to the policies of successive Gaullist governments during the 1960s and assesses the importance of these contributions in creating an identity for the Gaullist party which, while not always wholly distinct from de Gaulle and though it certainly never developed to the point of outright opposition to him, did lay the foundations for a political movement which could survive the President's eventual departure from office. The research reveals 1960s Gaullism as a much more volatile and heterogeneous phenomenon than has perhaps previously been admitted by some commentators. The thesis considers the political activities of Gaullists at all levels of the movement. First of all, it examines the way in which government was conducted by Gaullist ministers, and argues that their contributions to the identity of the Gaullist movement have been underestimated. In addition, it reveals how there were leading figures within the Gaullist party who attempted to define ways in which Gaullists could contribute to Gaullism in government. Although they never questioned the loyalty of the Gaullist movement to its leader, their awareness of the need for Gaullists to create their own political identity led them to place less emphasis on the importance of the historical figure of de Gaulle to the modern political force which Gaullism would become. The thesis then highlights the neglected fact that Gaullist deputies frequently sought to contribute in their own individual manner to Gaullist government policies in their speeches in the National Assembly. It concludes with an examination of the varied and conflicting comments made on the subject of Gaullism and Gaullist policies by local party members in their local bulletins.

[pas de résumé] / Jean Charbonnel was part of that generation of "young wolves", sponsored by Georges Pompidou, which - from the beginning of the 1960s - embarked on the conquest of those parts of the country that were hostile to Gaullism. That was how Jean Charbonnel succeeded in being elected a "député" in a part of the Corrèze that was "radical-socialiste", in which the initial contacts with local politics were more than difficult. With that victory on which to build, Jean Charbonnel made for himself a real stronghold in the south of the department (the "Pays de Brive") where he became a "conseiller général" (1964-1968), mayor of Brive (1966-1995), the initiator of the first forms of "intercommunalité", and a deputy for a total of fifteen years. With this base of practical experience on the ground, his Gaullism became clearly orientated towards a search for, and the defence of, a better social justice through the realisation of novel mechanisms whose aim was the integration of handicapped schoolchildren, and of young people into the world of work, or through the responsibility that was taken for older members of the community with the construction of "foyers-logements" (sheltered housing). Such local social action was echoed on the national level, particularly when Jean Charbonnel became "Ministre du Développement industriel et scientifique" (1972-1974), within the context of the "affaire Lipp" when he tried to obtain true recognition for the eminently "gaullien" principle of Participation, taking into account the interests of the workers, of the salaried employees and of the management. Jean Charbonnel's political action claimed to be resolutely progressive but above all reformist as it sought to associate the citizen - according to the place that he actually occupied within the Community - with the great reforms of the country. This thesis seeks therefore to comprehend how a Gaullist managed to establish himself in a left-wing area - the "Pays de Brive" -and the way in which his action made of him a left-wing Gaullist or rather a "gaulliste social" because he was intellectually nearer the Right than the Left, and above all because he never sought to break away from mainstream gaullism, by which he was quite different from the left-wing Gaullists

De Gaulle et le peuple français : une relation nouvelle se noue, se renoue, lorsque, le 29 mai 1958, la vie politique française bascule. Ce jour-là, devant l’incapacité de la classe politique à trouver une solution au conflit ensanglantant l’Algérie depuis la Toussaint 1954, le président de la République, René Coty, fait appel à un « homme providentiel », un militaire illustre qui, aux yeux des Français, a déjà sauvé le pays, le hissant du rang de vaincu en 1940 à celui de victorieux cinq années plus tard.Le général de Gaulle, hostile au régime des partis qui divisent le pays, se veut l’incarnation du peuple rassemblé. Dernier président du Conseil de la Quatrième République, il transforme les institutions politiques. A une République parlementaire succède une République qui reconnaît la fonction primordiale du chef de l’Etat, fonction renforcée par son élection au suffrage universel direct après la réforme constitutionnelle de 1962. À la République des partis, Charles de Gaulle substitue une « République des citoyens » dans laquelle prime l’expression de la souveraineté populaire.Souveraineté populaire, responsabilité politique pleine et entière des citoyens rassemblés au sein d’une nation qui regroupe toutes les classes sociales, toutes les sensibilités et se mettant elle-même au service de l’homme et du monde… Ces idées vont être mises en pratique, en mots, en images dans les villes et les villages de France, au cours des vingt-six voyages présidentiels de Charles de Gaulle en France métropolitaine. Les déplacements en province sont alors un élément clef, essentiel, de la « République des citoyens » voulue par le Général.La relation établie entre le chef de l’Etat et le peuple français présent aux cérémonies officielles organisées lors des déplacements présidentiels repose sur un échange : légitimité accordée au président de la République par la présence populaire ; sollicitation des citoyens par le chef de l’exécutif afin d’obtenir informations et réflexions relatives aux décisions à prendre nationalement et localement. Fondé sur cet échange avec le peuple régulièrement renouvelé sur les places des villes et des hameaux, sur les changements constitutionnels instituant le peuple comme ultime souverain, sur le recours fréquent à la procédure référendaire, le gaullisme au pouvoir sert une République portée à son accomplissement. / De Gaulle and the French people : their relationship was profoundly renewed when, on May 29, 1958, French political life toppled over. That day, President of the Republic René Coty – faced with a political class that proved incapable of finding a solution to the bloody Algerian conflict, raging since November 1954 – called upon a "providential man", an illustrious soldier who, in the eyes of the French, had already saved the country : France had been vanquished in 1940, but it was victorious five years later.Hostile to the partisan system that divided the country, General de Gaulle wanted to represent the assembled people. The last President of the Council of the Fourth Republic thus deeply transformed political institutions : the parliamentary Republic turned into a Republic that recognized the primary function of the Head of State. This function was reinforced by the constitutional reform of 1962 and its introduction of direct universal suffrage: under Charles de Gaulle, the partisan Republic was replaced by a "Republic of the citizens", in which the expression of popular sovereignty prevailed.Popular sovereignty in a nation that brings all social classes, all leanings together and is itself at the service of Man and of the world : these concepts were put into practice, words, images in the towns and villages of France, in the course of twenty-six presidential trips to the provinces in metropolitan France. They were key to the "Republic of the citizens" wanted by the General.The relationship between the Head of State and the people who came to these official ceremonies was based on an exchange: the popular presence granted the President of the Republic legitimacy – the head of the executive in turn solicited citizens to obtain information and thoughts on measures that needed to be taken, locally and nationally. Gaullism – based on these regular exchanges in town and hamlet squares, on the constitutional changes instituting the people as the ultimate sovereign and on the frequent use of referendums – served a Republic brought to its fulfillment.

This text focuses on the French self-peception in the modern world. French consider their concept of state and citizenship universal, as Americans do. But the two universalisms are built on a different basis in terms of religion, language and many other aspects. I analyze the clash of the two visions of the world and the French reactions to the American rise to power in the 20th century.

Stanislas Fumet (1896-1983) est un intellectuel catholique dont le rôle, crucial dans des domaines multiples et variés, est méconnu. Éditeur dans la prestigieuse collection du « Roseau d’Or », fondateur de la revue chrétienne Temps Présent, résistant, gaulliste, homme de radio sur France Culture : toutes ces facettes de Fumet ne l’ont pas conduit à être une figure intellectuelle engagée de premier plan. Plus que par une absence de notoriété, cette réalité s’explique largement par la fonction de service, « ancillaire » selon les termes de son filleul Pierre Manent, que Fumet a occupée auprès d’une génération intellectuelle marquée en premier lieu par la figure de Jacques Maritain. Serviteur de celle-ci, Fumet est aussi progressivement devenu au fil des années l’un de ses derniers représentants, assumant un « magistère spirituel dans le temporel » (Jean-Marie Lustiger) durant des années de mutation profonde de celui-ci. / Stanislas Fumet (1896-1983) was a Catholic intelllectual whose crucial role in many and varied domains is unrecognized. An editor of the prestigious series "Roseau d’Or", founder of the Christian journal Temps Présent, member of the Resistance, Gaullist, broadcaster for the radio station France Culture : none of these facets led to Fumet being in the foregroud of politically committed intellectuals. More than by an absence of fame, this reality can be explained by the supporting (or "ancillary" to use his godson Pierre Manent’s term) role that Fumet played to an intellectual generation marked by Jacques Maritain. Initially this generation’s servant, Fumet gradually became one of its last representatives, taking on a "spiritual magisterium in the temporal" (Jean-Marie Lustiger).

René Capitant (1901-1970), professeur de droit public, résistant, député et ministre gaulliste, lègue une œuvre constitutionnelle qui n’a jamais fait l’objet d’une analyse juridique exhaustive. Souvent critiques et parfois précurseurs, ses écrits doctrinaux et politiques présentent un intérêt qui réside autant dans les développements théoriques questionnant l’origine du droit positif à travers sa réception par les consciences individuelles que dans les aspects pratiques portant sur l’évolution des régimes français. Par une approche dynamique du droit constitutionnel où s’entremêlent histoire constitutionnelle, pratiques institutionnelles et doctrines philosophiques et politiques, le droit constitutionnel de René Capitant invite à dépasser les textes pour s’interroger sur la légitimité constitutionnelle de la démocratie française. / René Capitant (1901-1970) was professor of public law, involved in the Resistance movement during the Second World War, deputy, and Gaullist minister. He bequeaths a constitutional work that has never been subjected to exhaustive legal analysis. Often critical and sometimes precursor, his doctrinal and political writings are of interest as much in the theoretical developments questioning the origin of positive law through its reception by individual consciences as in the practical aspects of the evolution of French regimes. Through a dynamic approach to constitutional law in which constitutional history, institutional practices and philosophical and political doctrines intermingle, René Capitant's constitutional law invites us to go beyond the texts to question the constitutional legitimacy of French democracy.

This thesis deals with transformations of French foreign policy towards Québec and Canada. The first president of the French Fifth Republic, Charles de Gaulle, as well as all his successors together with their administration supported Québec's international ambitions and its desire to be sovereign abroad in the areas that fall within its competence in internal politics according to the Canadian Constitution. This support took place mainly on the platform of Francophonie. In 1995, the presidential candidate at that time, Jacques Chirac, clearly supported sovereingty movement. After the referendum won by the federalists France started to gradually reconcile with the federal government of Canada in various international politics issues such as protection of cultural diversity and multilateralism. France is also worried that in case of Canada's separation, the English speaking rest of the country would get more easily under the influence of the United States of America. France does not intend to admit this scenario. Jacques Chirac during this twelve-year mandate was gradually deepening the cooperation with Ottawa. Nevertheless, Québec remains the privileged partner of France in the fields of culture and education that are key for French foreign policy. Former French president Nicolas Sarkozy was even clearly...

Cette recherche porte sur l’entourage institutionnel de Georges Pompidou, Premier ministre d’avril 1962 à juillet 1968, puis président de la République de juin 1969 à son décès le 2 avril 1974. Histoire politique de l’administration, elle étudie l’organisation, la structure, et le fonctionnement des deux institutions coutumières que sont le cabinet du Premier ministre et le Secrétariat général de la présidence de la République sous Georges Pompidou. Elle analyse les évolutions de ces organes sur le temps long et étudie les adaptations apportées par Georges Pompidou en terme de rupture et de continuité. Elle s’interroge notamment sur le poids des héritages gaulliens et sur le rôle de Georges Pompidou dans la stabilisation des institutions de la Ve République. Cette recherche retrace également l’histoire des hommes et des femmes qui ont travaillé à ses cabinets civils et militaires à Matignon puis au Secrétariat général de l’Élysée entre 1962 et 1974. À travers l’étude de leur formation, de leur profil, de leur carrière, elle précise les caractéristiques propres à cet entourage politique et enrichit les travaux sur le personnel politico-administratif au cours des années 1960-1970. Enfin, l’analyse des relations entre Georges Pompidou et son entourage, entre ses collaborateurs et d’autres entourages politiques, pose la délicate question de l’influence de conseillers du Premier ministre puis du chef de l’État sur lui-même, et sur le processus décisionnel. / This research is about the institutionnal entourage of Georges Pompidou during his mandates as a Primer Minister (April 1962-July 1968) and as a President of the French Republic (June 1969-April 2th 1974, when he prematurely died). It focuses on two institutions whose organisation, structure and internal functioning have been empirically shaped : the Prime Minister Cabinet and the Secretary-Generalship of the Presidency. It analyses their long-term evolution and the way Georges Pompidou modified them, from both points of view of rupture and continuity. It interrogates the impact of the gaullist legacy and Pompidou's personal influence regarding the global stabilisation of the Fifth Republic's institutions. This research also aims to depict the history of men and women that worked for Pompidou in its civilian and military cabinets, in Matignon and at the Elysee's Secretary-Generalship between 1962 and 1974. A thorough exploration of their professional background, their profile and career allows us to describe the specificities of this political entourage. Furthermore, it contributes to the understanding of the political and administrative high-level servants during the 1960's and the 1970's. Finally, by analysing the relations between Georges Pompidou and his staff, and between this staff and other political circles, we get onto the sensitive question of influence. This research then tries to assess the influence that the advisors may have exerted on their Prime Minister and President, and on the decision-making process.

L’œuvre romanesque de Romain Gary est un écho du XXe siècle. Des périls de l’histoire, l’écrivain n’en ignore aucun. La Seconde Guerre mondiale forge sa conscience morale ; elle est la source de son gaullisme, basé sur un idéal de l’Homme, auquel il demeure fidèle. Mais au-delà de cette matrice, les années d’après-guerre façonnent également sa pensée. Car ses carrières diplomatique et littéraire n’ont pas été dissymétriques. Des quinze années passées au Quai d’Orsay, nombre de ses romans sont directement inspirés. La diplomatie révèle donc la topographie de la pensée de l’écrivain, qui ne résulte pas seulement du traumatisme de la Shoah et de la fraternité de la Résistance, mais est également forgée en réaction au totalitarisme soviétique et à la résurgence des nationalismes. Explorer sa carrière diplomatique, c’est aller aux sources de son œuvre romanesque, déceler dans l’événement le matériau de la fiction. Romain Gary a donc doublement composé avec l’histoire immédiate, cherchant à en comprendre les déterminants – c’est le travail du diplomate – et à en dépeindre les effets – c’est l’œuvre de l’écrivain. Dès lors, le roman apparaît comme le palimpseste de la dépêche. Et c’est en démêlant cet écheveau, entre diplomatie et littérature, histoire et fiction, que sa pensée politique apparaît avec le plus de clarté, de complexité aussi, et de nuances : en tirant ce fil, son œuvre romanesque démontre son unité et sa cohérence tant vis-à-vis des événements historiques que des positions de l’homme. / The novels of Romain Gary echo the events of the 20th Century. None of the great crises of the period is ignored by the author. Gary’s moral conscience was forged by the Second World War and it led him to a philosophy of Gaullism based on a human ideal, to which he always remained faithful. But beyond this matrix the post-war years also shaped his thinking. His diplomatic and literary careers follow a symmetrical path. His fifteen years working for the French Foreign Ministry were the direct inspiration for several of his novels. It is diplomacy which reveals the writer’s intellectual topography. This was not just a product of the trauma of the Shoah and the fraternity of the resistance but was also forged in reaction to Soviet totalitarianism and the resurgence of nationalisms. To explore his diplomatic career is to discover the sources of his novels, to reveal the factual basis of his fiction. Romain Gary made a double usage of contemporary events, first as a diplomat intent on understanding underlying causes, second as a writer painting a picture of the effects. Thus the novel can be seen as a palimpsest, a reworking of the diplomat’s despatch. As this skein is untangled, as diplomacy and literature, history and fiction are teased apart, Gary’s political thinking is revealed in the greatest clarity, complexity, and nuance. As the thread is drawn out, Gary’s novels demonstrate a unity and a coherence both with regard to historical events and to his own personal convictions.

Grand oublié de l’histoire du gaullisme, Louis Terrenoire en est pourtant l’un des représentants les plus attestés. Rien ne prédisposait ce Lyonnais d’origine, issu d’une famille modeste, d’abord engagé dans les actions du catholicisme social puis du syndicalisme chrétien à connaître une carrière politique inscrite en tout point dans le sillage du Général. Monté à Paris en 1932 pour entrer au journal L’aube lancé par Francisque Gay, Louis Terrenoire noue des premiers contacts avec les milieux politiques de la démocratie chrétienne. Il se distingue surtout par son engagement en tant que journaliste dans la lutte contre les fascismes. Mobilisé en 1939, il part au combat avec la volonté de défendre la patrie ainsi que ses valeurs républicaines et chrétiennes. Refusant l’armistice, il gagne très tôt les rangs de la Résistance, non en réponse à l’Appel du 18 juin qu’il n’entend pas mais pour prolonger un combat antifasciste entamé dans les années 1930. C’est au cours de ses années de résistance puis en déportation que Louis Terrenoire se découvre gaulliste et commence à se construire une identité politique indissociable du Général. En 1945-1946, il débute une carrière de parlementaire sous l’étiquette MRP. Après la rupture du « parti de la fidélité » avec le Général, Louis Terrenoire décide de le quitter en 1947 pour servir le général de Gaulle. Battu en 1951, il redevient député en 1958 et le reste jusqu’en 1973. Il participe à l’exercice du pouvoir au cours de la guerre d’Algérie en tant que ministre de l’Information, puis ministre délégué aux Relations avec le Parlement de février 1961 à avril 1962 en même temps que porte-parole d’un Général très ouvert au débat en conseil des ministres. Cet itinéraire politique est placé sous le signe d’une fidélité indéfectible à un homme – le général de Gaulle –, à ses idées, et à son œuvre, qui en fait un « baron » à part jusqu’à mort. / Greatly forgotten in the history of Gaullism, Louis Terrenoire is nevertheless one of the most attested representatives of it. Nothing predisposed this Lyonnais, from a modest family, first engaged in the actions of social Catholicism and then Christian trade unionism, to have a political career that was in every respect in the wake of the General. Louis Terrenoire went to Paris in 1932 to join the newspaper “L'aube” launched by Francisque Gay, and made his first contacts with the political circles of Christian Democracy. He stands out above all for his commitment as a journalist in the fight against fascism. Mobolized in 1939, he went into battle with the will to defend the country as well as its republican and christian values. Refusing the armistice, he very early won the ranks of the Resistance, not in response to the Appeal of June 18 that he did not hear but to prolong an antifascist struggle begun in the 1930s. It was during his years of resistance and then in deportation that Louis Terrenoire discovered himself to be a Gaullist and began to build a political identity inseparable from the General. In 1945-1946, he began a parliamentary career under the MRP label. After the break-up of the “loyalty party” with the General, Louis Terrenoire decided to leave him in 1947 to serve General de Gaulle. Beaten in 1951, he became a Member of Parliament again in 1958 and the rest until 1973. He took part in the exercice of power during the Algerian war as Minister of Information, then as Minister Delegate Relations with Parliament from February 1961 to April 1962 and at the same time as spokeman for a General who was very open to debate in the Council of Ministers.This political itinerary is based on an unfailing loyalty to a man- General de Gaulle-, to his ideas and to his work, which makes him a “ baron” apart until his death.