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This thesis examines the interest in spiritualism of Canada’s tenth Prime Minister, William Lyon Mackenzie King. By placing King’s engagement with spiritualism within the context of recent historiography on spiritualism as a progressive form of religion in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, this research demonstrates that spiritualism was not a pseudo-religion or parlour game but rather, a religious practice meaningful to King both as a component of his faith and his intellectual pursuits. Within the context of this thesis, spiritualism is treated as a lived religion. Based on the research of Robert Orsi and David D. Hall, whose contention is that religion comes into existence only in a dynamic relationship with the realities of everyday life, particular attention is paid to those parts of King’s world that serve as the building blocks for his first encounters with spiritualism. This research demonstrates that while King remained skeptical of spiritualist claims until later in his life, his eventual acceptance of spiritualism was the result of several factors. Though the deaths within his immediate family in the early 1900s served as a catalyst for King’s desire to seek spirit contact, it was his reading and involvement in social Christianity as early as 1891, when he began his studies at the University of Toronto that provided the scaffolding for King’s incorporation of spiritualism into his later life. It is argued that, ultimately, King’s goals remained consistent throughout his personal evolution: to lead a Christian life in service to the less fortunate and to the people of Canada. / Thesis (Master, History) -- Queen's University, 2009-12-06 20:38:59.97

Thesis aims on analyzing public appearances of former Czech prime minister Petr Nečas with special focus on pragmatics and reasoning. Whole analysis is performed with regard to political context. The goal of the thesis is creating complete characteristics, which can be used as a basis in future researches in pragmatics, political marketing or political PR. Using qualitative approach the thesis analyzes recordings from political debates, parliament meetings and press conferences from the era, when Petr Nečas was prime minister. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

This dissertation examines key characteristics and factors shaping the leadership style of Swedish Prime Ministers (PMs). Based on the research of the American presidency, an interactionist framework is developed which draws upon institutional theory and political psychological theory. The analysis is advanced by exploring multiple sources and is based on four cases of leadership styles:  two single party Social Democratic PMs, Ingvar Carlsson and Göran Persson, as well as two center/right coalition PMs, Thorbjörn Fälldin and Carl Bildt. Leadership style is studied through a focused comparison of the PMs’ performance of four functions. Thus, the four PMs are studied as staffers and organizers of the cabinet and the Government Offices, decision makers, communicators and crisis managers. The results indicate that the office of the PM is elastic, accommodating a wide-ranging variation of leadership styles. The Social Democratic PMs display the most uniform leadership styles, but, rather surprisingly, they also have the most dissimilar leadership styles among the four cases. The center/right PMs’ approaches differ to a great extent from one another, displaying mixed forms of leadership styles. The analysis explains how the PMs’ leadership styles are shaped based on the interaction between their distinct personal characteristics and surrounding institutions. Thus, the dissertation concludes that leadership theories developed in a presidential setting are largely applicable in a parliamentary setting and that political behavior is not dictated by institutions such as formal structures or norms. The results encourage a reassessment of how personality, as an explanatory factor, is applied in mainstream political science. Furthermore, the analysis highlights the need for reconsidering the presidentialisation thesis and the notion of dominant leadership as there are alternative pathways to prime ministerial influence which are disregarded in the debate.

Tony Blair’s extraordinary decision to ask for Parliament’s approval for British military deployment in the Iraq War prompted lingering questions about who decides on matters of war and peace in modern Britain. His successors’ use, and thereby confirmation, of the new parliamentary prerogative suggested a fundamental reorganization of war powers in British politics, giving Parliament a significantly stronger position in the realm of foreign affairs. This paper argues that a number of factors, like a Prime Minister’s leadership style, the role Cabinet and the civil service, and Parliament’s governing disadvantages that makes it difficult for Members of Parliament to assert themselves proactively rather than reactively, make the prospect of a “War Powers Act” enshrining Parliament’s constitutional role in authorizing war highly unlikely.

The thesis analyzes the key conditions under which technocratic cabinets in Europe are formed. There are 45 technocratic cabinets in Europe since 1989. This year is connected with collapse of communist regimes in Central and East Europe and democratization. There are also similar political, economic and social conditions under which all governments are formed in this period. The thesis composed of nineteen chapters. Because of lack of literature we have to define the technocratic government at first. After introduction of this topic, the second chapter defines basic terminology. Another part of the thesis is about technocratic cabinets in individual European countries.

Abstract During the 1960s both the federal and provincial governments continued to take on new and larger responsibilities. During this same time period citizens began to mobilize and challenge the state on a number of social issues including race, gender, labour, urban sprawl and the environment. Citizens believed that not only did they have the right to challenge the authority of government in planning public policy, but they also had a right to participate in the decision-making process as much as any bureaucrat, expert, or elected official. In planning airports in Pickering, Ste. Scholastique and Sea Island, the federal government was opposed by citizen groups in each of these three cases. Citizens believed their voices were not being heard and that government officials did not respect them. As a result, they disrupted the meticulously laid out plans of elected officials and policy planners by drawing on evidence and expert advice. The conflict over federal airport development is an example of the evolution of the consultation process with citizens, as citizens challenged the way public policy was planned. Governments now had to justify policies like expropriation for the public good since citizen groups would form over any intrusion into their private lives. The debates over airport planning highlights the role of citizens, bureaucrats, provincial and federal politicians as they all tried to navigate the complex shifting landscape of the Canadian state. By 1976 the Pickering Airport had been canceled, Mirabel was opened, and the Sea Island runway expansion would be delayed for 15 years. Although the citizen groups never had complete victories, citizen participation became more paramount to state planning after these events. Public policy planning in Canada had become far more inclusive than ever before. Whether the politicians, bureaucrats or citizens were aware of the consequences remain to be seen. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / Abstract During the 1960s both the federal and provincial governments continued to take on new and larger responsibilities. During this same time period citizens began to mobilize and challenge the state on a number of social issues including race, gender, labour, urban sprawl and the environment. Citizens believed that not only did they have the right to challenge the authority of government in planning public policy, but they also had a right to participate in the decision-making process as much as any bureaucrat, expert, or elected official. In planning airports in Pickering, Ste. Scholastique and Sea Island, the federal government was opposed by citizen groups in each of these three cases. Citizens believed their voices were not being heard and that government officials did not respect them. As a result, they disrupted the meticulously laid out plans of elected officials and policy planners by drawing on evidence and expert advice. The conflict over federal airport development is an example of the evolution of the consultation process with citizens, as citizens challenged the way public policy was planned. Governments now had to justify policies like expropriation for the public good since citizen groups would form over any intrusion into their private lives. The debates over airport planning highlights the role of citizens, bureaucrats, provincial and federal politicians as they all tried to navigate the complex shifting landscape of the Canadian state. By 1976 the Pickering Airport had been canceled, Mirabel was opened, and the Sea Island runway expansion would be delayed for 15 years. Although the citizen groups never had complete victories, citizen participation became more paramount to state planning after these events. Public policy planning in Canada had become far more inclusive than ever before. Whether the politicians, bureaucrats or citizens were aware of the consequences remain to be seen.

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Entablure entre les pouvoirs exécutif et législatif, et donc organe administratif essentiel au fonctionnement de tout État moderne, le Secrétariat général du Gouvernement est pourtant une des institutions administratives françaises les plus méconnues.Existant dans tous les pays, sous des formes très variées, depuis plus ou moins longtemps, le Secrétariat général du Gouvernement est apparu en France dès la Révolution de 1789, le Directoire entérinant sa création par le Comité de salut public. Il s’est maintenu de manière quasi ininterrompue jusqu’à aujourd’hui, jouant un rôle d’autant plus actif que l’instabilité politique était forte. Sous la IVème République, le Secrétariat général du Gouvernement et son secrétaire général ont assuré la permanence de l’État, en compensant l’instabilité chronique du politique.Le positionnement du Secrétariat général auprès du Premier ministre induit la question de sa nature, politique ou administrative. Car le choix n’a pas toujours été fait d’y nommer un haut fonctionnaire neutre et étranger au pouvoir politique, de l’Empire au Front populaire.Dans sa forme moderne, le Secrétariat général du Gouvernement, qui s’est progressivement structuré en une administration peu nombreuse, de très haut niveau et stable, est bien un organe administratif : la permanence exceptionnelle des secrétaires généraux le montre parfaitement.Sous la Vème République, la stabilité du pouvoir politique ne l’a pas affaibli. Son rôle d’organisateur du Conseil des ministres a été conforté. Au-delà de sa fonction de coordination du travail gouvernemental, le Secrétariat général du Gouvernement exerce aujourd’hui de nouvelles missions, comme la défense de la loi devant le Conseil constitutionnel, le suivi de l’application des lois. En outre, le Secrétariat général du Gouvernement a développé sa fonction d’intermédiaire entre le Parlement et le Gouvernement.Preuve de l’importance du Secrétariat général du Gouvernement, la tendance récente à le tenir en dehors du processus décisionnel altère fortement l’efficacité de l’État. / The French Cabinet secretariat, pivot of executive and legislative powers, and therefore being a necessary administrative organ to the operating of any modern State, is still one of the lesser known French administrative structure.Having existed in varied forms in all countries, the Cabinet secretariat appeared in France the same time as the French Revolution in 1789. It was created by the “Comité de Salut public” and its creation was insured by the Directoire. The Cabinet secretariat lasted until today almost without interruption, playing a role which’s importance increased as political instability increased. Under the 4th Republic, the Cabinet secretariat secured the continuity of the State, through the balancing of chronic political instability.Its ties to the Prime minister raises the question of its true nature, be it political or administrative. In fact, from the “1st Empire” to the “Front Populaire”, the choice was not always made to appoint an administrator who would have been fully neutral and uninvolved to the political power.In its current form, the Cabinet secretariat is well an administrative body, that became progressively supported by a small, stable, but high-leveled administration. The extraordinary permanence of the Cabinet secretariat illustrates it perfectly.Under the 5th Republic, the steadiness of political power did not weaken the Cabinet secretariat. Its function as an organiser of the Council of the ministers even strengthened its role. Beyond its responsibility of coordinating the governmental work, it has been charged with new duties, like the defense of a law before the “Conseil constitutionnel”, the inspection of the questions of constitutional validity,or the monitoring of the application of laws. Besides, the Cabinet secretariat developed its function of a go-between between the Parliament and the Government, without even infringing upon the role of the minister in charge with the relations with the Parliament.One rebuttal evidence of the importance of the Cabinet secretariat is the relatively new tendency to maintain the Cabinet secretariat out of the decision-taking process of the State, which has for consequence a violently diminished general efficiency of the State.

半總統制的運作特色是行政權力分別由總統和總理掌握，當半總統制的總統權力較小，就會由總理主導行政權力，此時半總統制的運作模式趨近於內閣制。但過去較少有文獻比較總統權力較小的半總統制國家，與內閣制國家的實際政治運作，是否有顯著的差異。本文先參照Wu(2012)的分類，選擇準內閣制做為總統權力較小的半總統制次類型，再與內閣制國家做比較。 本文的研究結果，發現準內閣制與內閣制之間，在國會的有效政黨數目、無黨籍總理出現的機率、總統總理同黨的機率沒有顯著的差異。顯示準內閣制的總統如同Wu分類的定義，不會介入任命過程，另外，總統選舉的衣尾效應也無法使大黨的席次增加。在總理任期的比較方面，雖然兩種制度的總理任期沒有顯著的差異，不過準內閣制的總理遭遇提前選舉下台的風險，低於內閣制，且準內閣制的總理連任機率也低於內閣制。這些結果皆表示，準內閣制的總統雖然不會介入組閣過程，但有可能對於國會的選舉時程產生影響，使總理無法在最佳時機發動國會提前選舉，進一步降低總理的連任機率。 綜合本文的研究發現，再對照過去的相關理論。半總統制與內閣制在實際運作上，仍然有一些差異。近年來，學界認為總統權力不是半總統制的重要條件，實際上，即使在總統權力較小的國家，總統權力可能還是有重要的影響。 / The executive power in semi-presidentialism is shared by the president and prime minister where the prime minister will control executive power with a weak president, and the political practice will be like those found in parlimentarism. There are very few articles examining the difference between parlimentarism and semi-presidentialism with a weak president. This paper compares the political practice of semi-presidentialism with a weak president and parlimentarism in different countries. The case selection criteria of a weak president is based on Wu(2012). In his research, quasi-parlimentarism is a subtype of semi-presidentialism, that the president has weak power. The result of this research demonstrates that effective number of parties in parliamentary, probability of non-party prime minister, president and prime minister in the same party have no significant difference between two institutions. This means that in the quasi-parlimentarism the coattail effect of a presidential election does not ensure more seats for a large party, and the president has a weak power to appoint the cabinet. Although the duration of the term of a prime minister has no significant difference, the hazard of early election, and probability of prime minister renewal in quasi-parlimentarism is less than parlimentarism. This means that a president in quasi-parlimentarism has blocked dissolution of parliamentary, and the prime minister cannot call for an early election at his or her favorable time. In summary, the political practice of semi-presidentialism is different than parlimentarism. Presidential power is an important feature of semi-presidentialism, even in small presidential power, a semi-presidentialism country, and its president have great influence on politics.