In 1969 het Leonard Thompson met reg beweer dat Suid-Afrikaanse historici hulle tot op hede hoofsaaklik besig gehou het met die doen en late van 'n Blanke gemeenskap wat die land sedert 1652 oorheers het. Die Swartman was die "forgotten factor" in die geskiedenis van Suider-Afrika. Waar die Swartman die onderwerp van wetenskaplike studie was, is dit aan argeoloë, linguiste, etnoloë en fisiese en sosiale antropoloë oorgelaat. Tereg het Thompson kort hierna opgemerk: "We need to know much more about the complex process by which African chiefdoms became incorporated in white controlled politics in the late nineteenth century. Only when monographs have been written on several individual cases, shall we be in a position to reach definite conclusions about the process as a whole ". Sedert hierdie uitspraak van Thompson het verskeie historici hulle op die terrein van die "forgotten factor" begewe. Omvangryke publikasies oor onder andere die Zulu, Pedi, Sotho asook die Swazi's het sedertdien die lig gesien, terwyl 'n werk oor die Tswana van Wes-Transvaal pas verskyn het. Hierteenoor het heelwat van die kleiner en minder invloedryke swart groeperinge tot op hede steeds agterweë gebly. Wat Noordoos Transvaal betref - meer spesifiek die gebied tussen die Elandsrivier, die Lebomboberg en die Krokodilrivier wat die Ohrigstadse Volksraad in 1846 van Mswati gekoop het, was daar behalwe die Pedi verskeie ander groepe aanwesig wat almal gedurende die loop van die negentiende eeu onder Blanke gesag gekom het. Hieronder het getel die Ndzundza, die Kopa, Tau, Kwena, Ntwane, Koni, Rôka, Kutswe , Pai en Pulana, waarvan die Ndzundza en Kopa die belangrikste was. Ten spyte van die feit dat daar heelwat argivale bronne oor hierdie groepe bestaan, het geen navorser dit tot op hede nog ontgin nie. Oor die onderwerping van hierdie stamme aan Blanke gesag gedurende die negentiende eeu, is daar weinig bekend. Wat die Ndzundza-geskiedenis betref, geld Thompson se opmerking nog steeds dat historici wetenskaplike studie oor die Swartes tradisioneel aan navorsers uit ander dissiplines oorgelaat het. Dit blyk duidelik uit 'n ontleding van sekondêre materiaal wat oor die Ndzundza bestaan. Verskeie studies van volkekundige aard is oor die verskillende kulturele fasette en pre-koloniale geskiedenis van die Transvaalse Ndebele, waarvan die Ndzundza deel uitmaak, gedoen. In die meeste van hierdie studies word die pre-Blanke geskiedenis van die Ndzundza as inleiding aangebied, terwyl daar in sommige gevalle ook na die historiese tydperk verwys word. Op hierdie wyse is die herkomsgeskiedenis van die Ndzundza met behulp van mondelinge tradisies redelik volledig opgeteken. As gevolg van die feit dat geen argivale bronne geraadpleeg is nie, is die volkekundige werke wat die historiese tydperk betref, deurspek met spekulasies, onjuisthede en valse aannames. Met enkele uitsonderings berus verwysings deur die enkele historici wat die Ndzundza-geskiedenis behandel, veral met betrekking tot die tydperk voor 1882, grootliks op die uitsprake van volkekundiges. Dit het meegebring dat die huidige beeld en feitelikhede omtrent die negentiende eeuse Ndzundza-geskiedenis onjuis is, veral soos dit in algemene geskiedenisse opgeteken staan. Hierteenoor het verskeie historici die Mapoch-oorlog van 1882- 1883, waartydens die Ndzundza hul onafhanklikheid verloor het, behandel. In sy biografie oor genl P. J. Joubert het J. A. Mouton die oorlog tot 'n enkele hoofstuk beperk. Vir Mouton gaan dit egter om Joubert se persoonlike aandeel en gee hy gevolglik nie veel aandag aan die belangrikste aspek van die oorlog, naamlik die oorsake, nie. H. P. van Coller het in 1941 'n MA-verhandeling die lig laat sien waarin die oorsake en verloop van die Mapoch-oorlog beskryf word. Van Coller se uiteensetting omtrent die oorsake van die oorlog is egter ontoereikend aangesien dit heelwat onjuisthede bevat, geweldig subjektief is en nie ontkom aan naïewe aannames en uitsprake nie. Die belangrikste oorsaak van die oorlog, naamlik gronddispute, word deur Van Coller geignoreer. Voorts behandel hy die oorlog as 'n gevolg van die moord op Sekhukhune, sodat die Ndzundza "toevallig" betrek word. Ander historici se verwysings na die oorlog is ook ontoereikend omdat dit in die meeste gevalle beperk bly tot enkele bladsye en paragrawe. Tot op hede is die negentiende eeuse Ndzundza-geskiedenis dus nog of onvolledig, of onjuis opgeteken. Met hierdie studie word gepoog om 'n bydrae in hierdie verband te maak. Omdat die historisiese feite omtrent die verloop van die 1882-1883 oorlog grootliks bekend is, val die klem op die tydperk daarvóór. Voorts moet dit gemeld word dat dit in hierdie studie hoofsaaklik gaan om die faktore wat die verhoudinge tussen die Ndzundza en die Blankes bepaal het, te elimineer. Ander aspekte wat ter sprake kom is onder andere die uitwerking wat die Blanke besetting van Noordoos-Transvaal op die Ndzundza gehad het, gronddispute, arbeidsaangeleenthede, Swazi- en die Pedi-deelname in die Blankes se pogings om die Ndzundza te onderwerp van die asook die uiteindelike vernietiging en verlies onafhanklikheid van die Ndzundza. Die spelwyse van sekere name en benaminge wat in hierdie verhandeling voorkom, het in sommige gevalle probleme opgelewer. Die meerderheid Ndebele name is gespel volgens die voorskrifte van die Suid-Ndebele taalraad. Waar die korrekte moderne spelling van Swartes se name nie vasgestel kon word nie, is dit in aanhalingstekens weergegee soos dit in die dokument voorkom. AIle amptelike benamings soos staatspresident of koloniale sekretaris is in die teks met 'n kleinlettertjie gespel maar in die voetnotas met 'n hoofletter. Die motivering hiervoor is die Afrikaanse gebruik om amptelike benamings binne Westerse staatsverband met 'n hoofletter te spel maar benamings in tradisionele verband soos kaptein, opperhoof of hoofman met 'n kleinlettertjie, wat myns insiens op diskriminasie neerkom. Wat die spel van die woord swart betref: Waar dit as byvoeglike naamwoord gebruik word (bv. swart kindertjies), is deurgaans van kleinletters gebruik gemaak. Hoofletters is gebruik wanneer dit as selfstandige naamwoord gebruik word, bv. Die Swartes. Die terme kaffer en meid is waar moontlik, vermy. Die aangehaalde stukke waarin dit weI voorkom, moet nie as beledigend beskou word nie maar as verteenwoordigend van die terminolgoie van 'n bepaalde tyd in die geskiedenis. Die bedoeling was geensins om enigiemand te na te kom nie. wat ter sprake kom.

From Preface: A preliminary survey of the history of the Wesleyan Methodist Church in the Transvaal revealed that the period of the early missions, before the formation of the Transvaal and Swaziland District, required research into the documents of other Districts for the purpose of writing a detailed history. It was therefore decided to confine research to the Documents of the Transvaal and Swaziland District and to write introductory chapters on the period of the early missions. The detailed research for this dissertation begins, therefore, with the creation of the Transvaal and Swaziland District in 1880. The natural point at which to finish appeared, at first, to be the beginning of the Second Transvaal War of Independence, but further research indicated that it would be more useful to conclude with the end of the war in 1902.

From the available sources, it is now evident that by the end of the thirteenth century, the Vhavenda has already established themselves in Venda and that the Vhasenzi and Vhalemba subjugated them towards the turn of the seventeenth century and that after the disappearance of Thohoyandou, they spread throughout the country. The arrival of the Voortrekkers under Louis Tregardt coincided with civil strife following the death of a chief. The Boers were cordially received but after ramabulana's death, Makhado who had been assisted by them to gain control of the nation, turned against them and compelled them to evacuate Schoemansdal in 1867. The involvement of the Boers in matters of succession became habitual. The weaker aspirants as a rule fled to the Boers for military assistance, and ultimately they found themselves confronted by the legitimate heir, Mphephu. Mphephu's stubborn resistance and refusal to pay taxation was viewed as calculated defiance of the authority of the Republic. The protection offered to Maemu and Sinthumule created the impression that the Boers were furthering their cause. This period of history which led to minunderstanding and friction between the opposing parties has, in my opinion not been adequately handled by earlier writers who maintained that refusal to pay taxation, to allow a census to be taken and to receive the Local Commision, were the major causes of conflict. I have tried to show that these secondary factors brought to light by earlier writers were only contributory to the main cause - the problem of succession which in itself created an atmosphere of discontent which ultimately led to hostilities. The Boer expedition of 1898 appeared to Vhavenda to be an escalation of the civil war for supremacy between Mphephu and Sinthumule. Against this background, they felt compelled to defy General P.J. Joubert and to take up arms against him. The Boer forces, with their military skill and their Black allies, drove Mphephu from Luatame with little resistance. His fligh to Mirondoni where he hoped to be assisted by the gods and the expected arrival of the British South African Police led to further loss of life. Had he crossed the Vhembe immediately after the burning of Luatame on 16 November 1898, many people would have survived and few would have been taken prisoner. The failure of the British South African Police to arrive compelled Mphephu to cross into Rhodesia on 21 December 1898, where he was given a location at Vhuxwa and he stayed there until the end of the Anglo-Boer War in 1902. The attempts by the Boers to have Sinthumule proclaimed as Chief in the place of Mphephu, failed to materialize, as the people would not acknowledge him. After the war the town of Louis Trichard was established and Venda was opened to White settlement. Mphephu returned and he as well as Kutama and Sinthumule were given locations. Thus, this study deals with he origin, the course and results of the Mphephu War. / History / M.A. (History)

From the available sources, it is now evident that by the end of the thirteenth century, the Vhavenda has already established themselves in Venda and that the Vhasenzi and Vhalemba subjugated them towards the turn of the seventeenth century and that after the disappearance of Thohoyandou, they spread throughout the country. The arrival of the Voortrekkers under Louis Tregardt coincided with civil strife following the death of a chief. The Boers were cordially received but after ramabulana's death, Makhado who had been assisted by them to gain control of the nation, turned against them and compelled them to evacuate Schoemansdal in 1867. The involvement of the Boers in matters of succession became habitual. The weaker aspirants as a rule fled to the Boers for military assistance, and ultimately they found themselves confronted by the legitimate heir, Mphephu. Mphephu's stubborn resistance and refusal to pay taxation was viewed as calculated defiance of the authority of the Republic. The protection offered to Maemu and Sinthumule created the impression that the Boers were furthering their cause. This period of history which led to minunderstanding and friction between the opposing parties has, in my opinion not been adequately handled by earlier writers who maintained that refusal to pay taxation, to allow a census to be taken and to receive the Local Commision, were the major causes of conflict. I have tried to show that these secondary factors brought to light by earlier writers were only contributory to the main cause - the problem of succession which in itself created an atmosphere of discontent which ultimately led to hostilities. The Boer expedition of 1898 appeared to Vhavenda to be an escalation of the civil war for supremacy between Mphephu and Sinthumule. Against this background, they felt compelled to defy General P.J. Joubert and to take up arms against him. The Boer forces, with their military skill and their Black allies, drove Mphephu from Luatame with little resistance. His fligh to Mirondoni where he hoped to be assisted by the gods and the expected arrival of the British South African Police led to further loss of life. Had he crossed the Vhembe immediately after the burning of Luatame on 16 November 1898, many people would have survived and few would have been taken prisoner. The failure of the British South African Police to arrive compelled Mphephu to cross into Rhodesia on 21 December 1898, where he was given a location at Vhuxwa and he stayed there until the end of the Anglo-Boer War in 1902. The attempts by the Boers to have Sinthumule proclaimed as Chief in the place of Mphephu, failed to materialize, as the people would not acknowledge him. After the war the town of Louis Trichard was established and Venda was opened to White settlement. Mphephu returned and he as well as Kutama and Sinthumule were given locations. Thus, this study deals with he origin, the course and results of the Mphephu War. / History / M.A. (History)

Please read the abstract (Summary) in the section 07back of this document The published edition of this thesis is also available in English: Kriel, Lize. The 'Malaboch' books : Kgalusi in the 'civilization of the written word' Stuttgart, Germany : Franz Steiner Verlag, 2009. (Missionsgeschichtliches Archiv; Bd 13) / Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

No description available.

No description available.

Text in Afrikaans / History / M.A. (Geskiedenis)

This study, which, to a large extent, consists of reproductions of photographs taken by myself and drawings made by myself, is the outcome of two months' work among the Kwena tribe of Tamposstad, fifteen miles north-east of Groot Marico in the Transvaal (Map I) and the Kwena of Molepolole in Bechuanaland Protectorate, sixty-five miles by road from the border of the Transvaal at Ramoutsa (Map II). It is a comparative study of the material culture of the scattered offshoots of the one tribe, which, in the remote past, must have lived at one place under the authority of one chief. This type of work is not entirely a new experience to the writer, for he has lived in close proximity to the Kwena of Tamposstad and allied tribes - the Kgatla and Hurutshe - for many years. Moreover he has learnt a great deal of their language through personal contact with these people. Tamposstad is chosen as representing the Transvaal-Kwena because it is a fairly large reserve (25,551 morgen) with about nine thousand people living in the village, and because the little that is left of the indigenous Kwena native arts and crafts of the Transvaal, is mostly preserved among the people of this village. In all the other Kwena-villages in the Transvaal, the traditional arts and crafts have almost altogether disappeared. When reference is made therefore, in this study, to the Transvaal Kwena, it must be understood that the Kwena of Tamposstad are mainly designated, although other villages will also sometimes be mentioned. This is an attempt to preserve in type-script a record of what is still left of the Kwena indigenous material culture, of the material and implements used and of the methods of construction, for erelong, the last survivals of this most interesting culture will be completely obliterated by the overwhelming European influence, a fact which we deeply lament. The visitor to the Native Agricultural Shows cannot help but realise this. At the Native Show which was held ten miles north of Rustenburg on the 10th and 11th of August 1939, it was noted with regret that the arts and crafts section was very poorly represented. The articles exhibited were excellently made, but they were the work of only a few people. The whole exhibition of claypots, for example, was the work of only two women. As regards the historical part of this study, it was rather difficult to obtain trustworthy information, and thusfar, there is almost nothing recorded on the history of this tribe. Dr. I. Schapera, however, is at present busy compiling a work on the history of the Tswana tribes. The history given in this study, of the Bechuanaland Kwena, is an extract from "BaKwena origins" sent to my by Dr. Schapera, to whom, I am deeply indebted for permission to use this material. The history of the Transvaal Kwena, also given in this study, is a result of my own investigations, and is reproduced as it was told to me, for comparative purposes. Of course it cannot be maintained that it is true in every detail. A detailed record of the history of the various Kwena tribes would provide matter for a thesis in itself. / Anthropology and Archaeology / M.A.

The rapidity of Johannesburg’s growth after the discovery of payable gold in 1886 created a provisioning challenge. Lacking water transport it was dependent on animal-drawn transport until the railways arrived from coastal ports. The local near-subsistence agricultural economy was supplemented by imported foodstuffs, readily available following the industrialisation of food production, processing and distribution in the Atlantic world and the transformation of transport and communication systems by steam, steel and electricity. Improvements in food preservation techniques: canning, refrigeration and freezing also contributed. From 1895 natural disasters ˗ droughts, locust attacks, rinderpest, East Coast fever ˗ and the man-made disaster of the South African War, reduced local supplies and by the time the ZAR became a British colony in 1902 almost all food had to be imported. By 1906, though still an import economy, meat and grain supplies had recovered, and commercial agriculture was responding to the market. / History / M.A (History)