"The Mobilization Of History And The Quest For The Tembe Chieftaincy in Maputaland: 1896-1997," is a study of conflicts emerging in post-apartheid rural KwaZulu Natal, South Africa. Under the white rule that extended from 19th century to the apartheid era, the African pre-colonial "identities" were contained but not diminished. During this period, some ruling families were supported by the colonial powers while others suffered as their positions were undermined. This resulted in numerous conflicts among Africans over ethnic identity; yet the white governments suppressed these conflicts. As the power ofwhite rule declined, some African pre-colonial "identities" have begun to show up and reclaim their positions within their communities. However, times have changed, the forces of the new political and economic order provides a different platfonn to which these conflicts over land and chieftainship are taking place. Motives behind these tensions have been shaped by the present rather than historical demands. The struggles over land and chieftainship in Maputaland are but one example of these controversial post-apartheid debates. For more than hundred years, starting from 1896 to the present, the Tembe Royal family has ruled Maputaland as the legitimate family. After 1994 with the end of white rule in South Africa, some followers of the Tembe Dynasty begun to question the Royal family's legitimacy. The history of the leadership ofthe Maputaland is re-debated. This dissertation is a historical examination of the genesis and development ofthe challenges to the Tembe Royal family's control of present-day Maputaland. This dissertation maintains that the local leadership's mobilization ofhistory in Maputaland, that is reshaping old ethnic identities, is inspired by the envisaged economic benefits to be derived from the advent of eco-tourism. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2002.

M.A., Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2011 / While much has been written on black South African popular music (see, for example, Anderson, 1981; Coplan, 1985; Erlmann, 1991; Meintjes, 2003; Allen, 2004; Ansell, 2004; Muller, 2008), little has been written on Tsonga popular music. This dissertation interrogates ‘Tsonga music’, a category for naming Tsonga popular music used by many including the South African Music Awards (SAMAs); one of the few SAMA categories (others include Afrikaans, Venda and Pedi music categories) to be named by ethnicity. I question why the music is labeled the way it is and how these genre labels, which participate in global genre histories and local ethnic histories, interact with the Tsonga music category. In sum, this study explores what Louise Meintjes calls ‘genrefication’ (2003: 19) in popular Tsonga music and the meaning this has for its practitioners in a ‘glocalized’ music market (Robertson, cited in Steger, 2003). In chapter one I trace the origins of Tsonga music as it is known today. The chapter focuses on General MD Shirinda, considered the father of Tsonga music. I write about aspects of his life and the role he played in the development of contemporary Tsonga music. Chapter two pays close attention of one of the Tsonga music subgenres, ‘Tsonga traditional’ or neo-traditional music. The chapter interrogates the meaning of the Tsonga traditional label for its practitioners. Here I question the use of terms such as ‘Tsonga’ and ‘traditional’ for labeling Tsonga music. I end the chapter by discussing some characteristics of this subgenre. The third chapter follows the narrative of ‘Tsonga disco’ as told by my informants. Through the life stories of the musicians who have played major roles in the development of this subgenre, I explore how socio-political circumstances influenced the labeling of the subgenre. The chapter gives attention to the contribution to the subgenre by Paul Ndlovu, Peta Teanet, Joe Shirimani and Penny Penny. I end the chapter with a description of a live performance of Tsonga disco. Ethnicity is a recurring theme throughout the study. However, it is in chapter four that explicit attention is given to this identity marker. The chapter explores the role of ethnicity in shaping Tsonga music and how Tsonga musicians construct and affirm their ethnic and other identities in their music. Finally, I discuss the relationship between Tsonga music and the global music market.

Thesis (Ph.D. (Xitsonga)) --University of Limpopo, 2005 / Refer to the document / University of Limpopo

Thesis (M. A. (African Languages)) -- University of Limpopo, 2015 / Refer to document

Thesis (M.A. (African Languages)) --University of Limpopo, 2013 / Refer to the document

Thesis (M.A. (African Languages)) -- University of Limpopo, 2012 / Chapter 1: This deals with the introduction, background to the problem, aim of the study, the significance of the study, definition of terms, methodology, scope of the research and literature review. Chapter 2: Outlines the changes that occurred in the Tsonga traditional family focusing on the building of the dwellings, courtyard, kraals, fowlrun, due to the influence of Christianity among the Vatsonga people.Chapter 3: Outlines the resources that were used in the Mutsonga family and looking again on how the family lived before being affected by the impact of Christianity amongst them. Chapter 4: Outlines the changes that occurred in the Mutsonga family with the focus on how it was run, how traditional leadership was portrayed, the Vatsonga dresscode, their traditional beliefs, education and health, the division of labour as well as the traditional food that the Vatsonga people took pride in, due to the impact of Christianity on them. Chapter 5: Deals with conclusion wherein the findings and recommendations have been outlined.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2008. / Bibliography. Also available via the Internet.

M.A. / The goals of this study were formulated in response to a need for a culturally sensitive counselling service for children of divorce within the Tsonga culture. The aim of this study was to develop guidelines to be used by counsellors in helping children of divorce within Tsonga culture. The study was undertaken within the framework of the developmental research and utilisation model. The research design integrated exploratory and descriptive methods. Qualitative methods of data gathering and analysis were applied. The study followed three dimensions: an analysis of the effects of divorce on children, cultural context of family and divorce as well as an analysis of a child-centred counselling model. Based on the analysis of the effects of divorce on children within the Tsonga culture, guidelines for culturally sensitive counselling were developed. The most important finding in this study is that culture has a bearing on the way in which divorce will have an effect on children and also that only a counsellor who is sensitive to the children's culture can be successful in counselling them to cope with divorce. The findings of this study cannot be generalised to other cultures, but it is recommended that the guidelines be used by counsellors from different cultural orientations working with children of divorce within Tsonga culture. The study showed that there is a need for culture sensitivity in rendering counselling services to children.

Thesis (M. A. (African Languages)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014

Religion and culture always go together. From the very first day a new person is brought out into this world, s/he starts learning how to live with her or his people, and starts learning their beliefs and values. The person grows up with this knowledge, and it forms a part of his/her life. These beliefs and values are unquestionable from the perspective of that person. They are accepted as natural and normative. If s/he, for example, is brought up in a culture in which kneeling is a form of showing respect, s/he will internalise this, and will always kneel when the act of showing respect is required. For another person who is brought lip in a different culture where standing lip, for example, is regarded as the way of showing respect, kneeling or sitting before a respected individual or occasion can be regarded by a such person as an impoliteness. As we can see, cultural values are subjective, and they are appropriate for the people of a specific culture in which they were fashioned and accepted as normative. What often happens is that when two different cultures meet there is a collision between them, and what often happens is that the one which is supported by power smashes the other and imposes its normative rules on it. When Christianity came to Africa, it was full charged by European way of viewing the world, and in its worldview, anything which was not within the European cultural nornlative frame, was something to get rid of Consciously or unconsciously, Christianity was used as a powerful tool for the West's cultural domination over Africans. The Church demonised African culture, and regarded it as a prototype of anti-Christianity. To become Christians, Africans were required to forsake their life style and assimilate the Western style of living. Things such as drums, xylophones, which were part of African culture, were associated with the demons and thus banned from the lives of the "faithful" African Christians. The memorial ceremonies, which were held for our ancestors, were understood as being a form of idolatry, whereas the church's memory of the saints was regarded as something very Christian. And, if the African culture and practices were abominable for the Western Christian missionaries, its traditional health care system was seen as the ultimate manifestation of the evil. [t is with the desire of reclaiming the legitimacy of African traditional health care system for Africans that 1 set out to examine healing from a cross-cultural perspective, and above all healing in the Bible, and specially Jesus' healings in order to see what is abominable with African traditional medicine. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.