M.A. (African Languages) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Standard languages have become a very important instrument of communication in most multilingual countries. Botswana is one of the Southern African countries that have a number of languages, hence the need for a standard language was chosen. Setswana consists of a number of dialects but none of these dialects has been used as a basis for standard Setswana; instead, dialects have been combined to form a standard variety. The aim of this study is to investigate and discuss the problems regarding the state of standard Setswana in Botswana, and the processes followed in standardising Setswana in Botswana. A questionnaire was used as an instrument for data collection. Eight schools from different educational levels, namely primary schools, junior secondary schools, senior secondary schools and colleges of education were chosen for the study. The study was limited to Setswana teachers and to the National Setswana Language Council (NSLC) members. Two different questionnaires were designed for these respondents. The study has revealed that although standard Setswana exists in Botswana, the variety is not well known by most of the Batswana and they do not use it. Batswana do not seem to take standard Setswana seriously, as they think it does not benefit them economically. However, the study indicates that most Setswana teachers value the standard variety and would like other Batswana to take it seriously and regard it as an important communicative tool. The study found that one of the problems that hinders the progress of implementing standard Setswana in schools is the lack of suitable material. The National Setswana Language Council faces the same problem. Another problem identified during the research is that some respondents cannot differentiate between standard Setswana as a variety of Setswana and Setswana as a language. This indicates that the Batswana were never made aware of the standard variety nor of its importance; hence, it is not adequately known and used in high public functions. The study also analysed the National Setswana Language Council, the body responsible for Setswana language issues in Botswana. The Council deals with the whole process of language standardisation, as well as the accuracy and proficiency of language use. However, the study revealed that of the four stages in the process of standardization; (selection, elaboration, codification and acceptance), the Council seems to have succeeded with selection and a part of codification. The orthography has been standardised but not yet published. Other stages, such as acceptance and elaboration, need to be revisited. The study consists of six chapters. Chapter One outlines the purpose of the study as well as the problem statement. The sociolinguistic profile of Botswana and the Setswana language profile are also discussed. Chapter Two presents the theoretical framework, while Chapter Three discusses the historical background of the Setswana-speakers, the history of Setswana and the development of standard Setswana by the missionaries. Methods and techniques of data collection are dealt with in Chapter Four, while Chapter Five presents data analysis and interpretation. Summary, findings, conclusion and recommendations are presented in Chapter Six. / Dissertation (MA (Setswana))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / African Languages / unrestricted

M.A. (African Languages) / Various sets of nouns have been established as noun classes in Setswana as well as in other African languages. Generally speaking, a class of nouns is made up of words that have a specific prefix and are in turn linked with a unique set of concords which are morphophonemically related to the prefix. Each class is regarded to contain nouns sharing certain semantic features. However, these semantic characteristics are by no means clear-cut for every class. The purpose of this study is to analyze the semantic characteristics of the noun classes of Setswana. An approach different from that which is customary in describing the semantics of noun classes will be followed, in that I will attempt to establish those semantic features which uniquely characterize each class and distinguish it from other classes rather to list the various types of nouns occurring in it. The concept "core meaning" will be employed in this. regard. (See Section 1.7). In this chapter an overview will be given of the numbering and grouping of noun classes in publications on Setswana (1.2.1) as well as the prefixal morphemes employed (1.2.3). This will be followed by a discussion of the views of different authors on the semantics of the noun classes of Setswana (1.3) and of Bantu languages in general (1.4), the relation between noun classes and number (1.5), and semantic typologies of noun classes that have been suggested (1.6). The chapter will be concluded with a restatement of the aim of the research and of the method followed. The arrangement of the chapters that follow, is eclectic. Where there is a fairly simple singular-plural relation between two semantically similar classes, they will be grouped together for the purpose of discussion. Cf. Chapter 2 (CI 1, Ia, 2 and 2a), Chapter 3 (CI 3 and 4), Chapter 4 (Cl 7 and 8) and Chapter 5 (CI 9 and 10). Classes 5, 11 and 14 are grouped into one chapter (Chapter 6) because of their complex number relation to plural classes. A special chapter (Chapter 7)...

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study focused on three descriptive nominal modifiers which specify the attributes of nouns, i.e. the morphological adjective, the relative clause and the descriptive possessive. The morphological adjective appears in an adjectival phrase, which has to consist of a determiner and an adjective. The adjective must have agreement with the head noun in an NP. The adjective root may appear with nominal suffixes such as -ana and -gadi, it can be reduplicated, it may be transposed to other categories and it may even be compounded. The AP may also occur in predicative position as well as in comparative clauses. The relative clause may have the same semantic properties as the adjective. The relative clause in Setswana consists of a determiner in the position of the complementizer followed by an lP. Such an lP may have a copulative or non-copulative verb. Attention in this study has focused on the nominal relative, which appears as a complement of a copulative verb. These nominal relative stems have been divided into two sections, i.e. a section in which the nominal relative stems may not appear in a descriptive possessive construction and a second section where these stems may also appear as a complement of the possessive [a]. The semantic features of these nominal relative stems have been isolated and it is clear that they show a wide variety of semantic features. This type of relative clause represents the most prolific category, which specifies the attributes of nouns. The third category, which displays the semantic feature of an attribute of a noun, is the descriptive possessive construction. The syntactic and semantic structure of this type of phrase has been investigated. A wide variety of complements of the possessive [a] have been isolated in Setswana and some semantic features have received specific attention, i.e. group nouns and partitives. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie fokus op drie deskriptiewe nominale bepalers wat die attribute van naamwoorde spesifiseer nl. die morfologiese adjektief, die relatief en die deskriptiewe possessief. Die morfologiese adjektief kom voor in 'n adjektieffrase wat bestaan uit 'n bepaler en 'n adjektief. Die adjektief moet klasooreenstemming hê met die kernnaamwoord in 'n naamwoordfrase. Die adjektiefstam kan voorkom met nominale suffikse soos ana en gadi, dit kan geredupliseer word, oorgeplaas word na ander kategorieë en selfs samestellings vorm. Die adjektieffrase kan ook voorkom in 'n predikatiewe posisie sowel as in vergelykings. Die relatief kan dieselfde semantiese eienskappe hê as die adjektief. Die relatief in Setswana bestaan uit 'n bepaler in die posisie van die komplementeerder gevolg deur 'n infleksiefrase. So 'n infleksiefrase kan 'n kopulatiewe of nie-kopulatiewe werkwoord bevat. Die aandag in hierdie studie het gekonsentreer op die nominale relatief wat voorkom as 'n komplement van 'n kopulatiewe werkwoord. Hierdie nominale relatiewe stamme is verdeel in twee afdelings nl. 'n afdeling waarin die nominale relatiewe stamme nie kan voorkom in 'n deskriptiewe possessiewe konstruksie en 'n tweede afdeling waar hierdie stamme ook kan voorkom as 'n komplement van die possessiewe [a]. Die semantiese kenmerke van hierdie nominale relatiewe stamme is geïsoleer en dit is duidelik dat hulle 'n wye verskeidenheid van semantiese kenmerke het. Hierdie tipe relatief verteenwoordig In baie wye keuse t.o.v. die attribute van naamwoorde. Die derde kategorie wat die semantiese kenmerk van 'n attribuut van 'n naamwoord vertoon, is die deskriptiewe possessiewe konstruksie. Die sintaktiese en semantiese struktuur van hierdie tipe frase is nagegaan. 'n Groot verskeidenheid komplemente van die possessiewe [a] is geïsoleer in Setswana en sommige semantiese kenmerke het spesifieke aandag gekry nl. groepnaamwoorde en partitiiewe.

Thesis (M.A. (Sociolinguistics))--University of Pretoria, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references.

This study is concerned mainly with the nature and social functions of code-switching between Setswana and English. In Botswana, Setswana and English are utilised in conversations between speakers, resulting in the phenomenon of code-switching. Setswana is the primary language of the majority of the people in Botswana and is regarded as the national language, while English is used as the official language. The motive for the selection of English is based on the notion that this language plays an important role in social, economic and political spheres in the country. The fundamental assumption in this study is that code-switching exists as a result of social interaction and language contact amongst speakers with various linguistic repertoires. The study aims to investigate the nature and social functions of code-switching in Setswana in Botswana, especially in the areas surrounding Gaborone City. From a syntactic point of view, the study attempts to determine whether the phenomenon is random and meaningless, while from a functional perspective, it examines the reasons why bilingual speakers engage in code-switching when they interact with other bilinguals, with whom they share the same linguistic repertoire. The study is divided into five chapters. The first chapter comprises the introductory section, which includes the background, motivation, aims and statement of the problem, as well as the organisation of the study. The second chapter provides the theoretical framework of the study and includes the definition of key terms. Chapter Three explains how data was collected and includes transcripts of the speakers' conversations. The analysis, description and discussion of the data are dealt with in Chapter Four. Chapter Five provides a summary of the findings as well as the conclusion and recommendations for future studies. The problem was investigated around Gaborone City in various settings such as a church, a public bar, the National sports Stadium, the media (Radio Botswana), a furniture shop and a taxi rank. The speakers' interactions were recorded and unstructured interviews were conducted at a later stage. The speakers included people from all groups, that is gender, age and various degrees of education. The recorded conversations have been transcribed and analysed. The results have been used to gain a better understanding of the nature and social functions of code-switching. The analysis also looks at the grammatical and syntactic features of switched phrases, clauses and sentences, as well as whether the switching violates any grammatical or syntactic rules of either the host or the guest language. The switches made by the speakers also determine the social functions of code-switching in Botswana. The results show that the phenomenon is common in Gaborone City, as all the recorded speakers tend to indulge in this activity regardless of their level of education. It has been observed that, in general, the less educated people's conversations contain borrowed English words, while the conversations of the better educated sector contain larger stretches of code¬-switching in phrases and sentences. The results reveal that no violation of the grammatical structures of either language occurs during code¬-switching. It has also been found that the phenomenon occurs in all the formal and informal settings mentioned above. In a functional sense, it has been observed that Batswana switch from Setswana to English for various communicative purposes, such as an indication of level of education, a signal of authority and annoyance and to show the powerful and less powerful languages. Other reasons for the switching include the topic/subject of discussion, emphasising a particular point and the signalling of socio-economic status and prestige. The importance of these findings is that it invalidates the fears that some Batswana have with regards to code-switching in Setswana. Additionally, the research sheds new light on the importance of this phenomenon in Botswana. One of the conclusions that can be drawn from the results is that the application of code-switching strengthens and enriches the Setswana language with the new vocabulary. It is a communicative strategy used by bilingual communities in their conversations and instances such as those described above. / Dissertation (MA (Setswana): Sociolinguistics)--University of Pretoria, 2006. / African Languages / unrestricted

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: An apology in Setswana is offered ;when an individual has violated a social norm or want to restore any form of a complainable. When it is given, it serves as a remedial work,designed to smooth over any social disruption that was caused. Sometimes a person who is suppose to apologize may find reasons to minimize the degree of the offence. If the offence in question is big, a verbal apology may be insufficient to restore the damaged relationship. Male and female learners commit a lot of offences towards each other at school and they are obliged to apologize for such offences. In the process of apologizing, they are faced with a wide chioce of strategies to choose from. In most cases, male learners have a tendency of giving an explanation to their offences. They do not always seek for a direct apology. In the acceptance of their offences, they opt for longer strategies to apologize. Males seem to be either proud or shy to ask for an apology from females. Female learners on the other hand, do not want to use longer strategies to apologize, but they ask for forgiveness immidiately. It is not all the males who do not want to apologize directly to females, but there are some who apologize directly. They are the ones who take females as their equals and they also want to maintain a good relationship with them. The same applies with females, a minimal number of them use longer strategies to apologize. They do not use direct strategies. There are other strategies also useful to Setswana male and female learners, but their use is not so popular. Strategies like explicit acceptance of the blame and expression of self-deficiency are considered the least of manifested. An apology is usually influenced by the way the complainant shows his or her dissatisfaction. Male and female learners also differ with the way they complain. They use complaint strategies differently. Both male and female learners use direct accusation and indirect accusation extensively. But the difference comes by the fact that females are longer with their complaints than males. Females show their annoyance by involving more complaint strategies. Males do not take long to complain, they involve a few strategies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Apologie in Setswana word gedoen wanneer 'n individu 'n sosiale norm oortree het, of enige vorm van 'n klagte wil herstel. Wanneer dit gegee word, dien 'n apologie as remediële werk, ontwerp om enige sosiale ontwrigting wat veroorsaak is, uitstryk. Somtyds kan 'n persoon wat veronderstel is om 'n apologie aan te teken, redes vind om die graad van die oortreding te minimaliseer. Indien die oortreding baie groot is, kan 'n verbale apologie onvoldoende wees om die beskadigde verhouding te herstel. Manlike en vroulike Setswana-sprekende leerders pleeg talle oortredings teenoor mekaar by die skool, en hulle is verplig om apologie aan te teken teenoor mekaar. In die proses van apologie aanteken, word hulle gekonfronteer met In wye verskeidenheid strategieë waaruit hulle kan kies. In die meeste gevalle, het leerders die neiging om In verduideliking te gee vir hulle oortredings. Hulle kies nie altyd 'n direkte apologie nie. In die aanvaarding van hulle oortredings, kies hulle langer strategieë om apologie aan te teken. Manlike persone blyk óf te trots óf te skaam te wees om apologie aan te teken teenoor vroulike leerders. Vroulike leerders, hierteenoor, wil nie langer strategieë aanwend om apologie aan te teken nie, en hulle vra onmiddellik vir vergiffenis Dit is egter nie alle manlike leerders wat nie direk apologie aanteken teenoor vroulike leerders niesommige manlike leerders teken wel direk apologie aan, maar die gebruik daarvan is nie so gewild nie. Hulle is die manlike leerders wat die vroulike leerders as hulle gelykes sien en 'n goeie verhouding met hulle wil handhaaf. 'n Klein getal vroulike leerders gebruik langer strategieë om verskoning aan te teken en hulle gebruik nie direkte strategieë nie. Daar is ander strategieë wat ook bruikbaar is vir Setswana-sprekende manlike en vroulike leerders, maar die gebruik daarvan is nie so populêr nie. Strategieë soos die aanvaarding van blaam, en uitdrukking van self-tekort, word die minste gemanifesteer. 'n Apologie word gewoonlik beïnvloed deur die wyse waarop 'n klaer sy/haar ontevredenheid wys. Manlike en vroulike leerders vershil ook t.o.v. die wyse waarop hulle kla - hulle gebruik klagtestrategieë verskillend. Sowel manlike as vroulike leerders gebruik direkte en indirekte aantygings uitgebreid. Vroulike leerders neem egter langer met hulle klagtes as manlike leerders. Vroulike leerders wys hulle ontevredenheid deur meer klagte strategieë te gebruik, terwyl manlike leerders nie lank neem om te kla nie - hulle gebruik slegs 'n paar strategieë.

Thesis (M. A. (African Languages)) -- University of the North, 1974 / Refer to the document

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed August 2, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 321-340).

M.A. (African Languages) / Please refer to full text to view abstract