A survey methodology was developed to measure the consumer welfare loss associated with various municipal water shortages. The methodology was designed to provide monetary estimates of consumer welfare loss and was tested on 644 households in the Tucson metropolitan area in February, 1981. The methodology was based on welfare economic theory and used two types of welfare measures: willingness to pay and willingness to accept. Respondents were presented with two hypothetical water shortage situations and asked to estimate their welfare loss according to prepared bidding schedules. The results of the survey, although biased by bidding behavior, indicate that consumers place a low value on the welfare loss associated with water shortages. The bidding behavior can be explained in part by the bidding mechanics and in part by the inability of the respondents to know their true response to possible water shortages.

Class of 2013 Abstract / Specific Aims: The objective of this study was to examine the availability of immunizations in community pharmacies and the out-of-pocket cost for those immunizations. Methods: Twelve community pharmacies in the Tucson area were examined and one pharmacist in each store was asked to complete a questionnaire. This questionnaire aimed to determine individual immunizations offered at each pharmacy and the out-of-pocket cost for those immunizations. Main Results: Differences in the availability and cost of immunizations were compiled for each category of community pharmacy. The categories included Supermarket/grocery store, chain, Mass merchant/big box, and independent pharmacy. Seven of the twelve (58%) pharmacies included in the analysis participated in pharmacist-based immunizations. Three out of the four (75%) supermarket based pharmacies, both chain pharmacies, and two of the four (50%) mass merchant pharmacies, provided immunizations. Neither of the independent pharmacies included in the analysis provided immunizations. The pharmacies that did not currently provide immunizations, none had plans in the future to provide immunizations. There were no other non-prescription immunizations provided at the pharmacies in the study. All seven pharmacies that provided immunization services stated they would accept insurance and only one of the chain pharmacies had a walk in clinic. Conclusion: Overall this study demonstrated that there are differences associated with cost and availability of immunization services offered between pharmacies. Further research is needed to determine what hinders community pharmacy from offering immunization services and how to develop a form of commonality between all immunizations offered.

Two digital- computer models of the ground -water reservoir of the Tucson basin, in south - central Arizona, were constructed to study errors in digital models and to evaluate the worth of additional basic data to models. The two models differ primarily in degree of detail -- the large -scale model consists of 1,890 nodes, at a 1/2 -mile spacing; and the small -scale model consists of 509 nodes, at a l -mile spacing. Potential errors in the Tucson basin models were classified as errors associated with computation, errors associated with mathematical assumptions, and errors in basic data: the model parameters of coefficient of storage and transmissivity, initial water levels, and discharge and recharge. The study focused on evaluating the worth of additional basic data to the small -scale model. A basic form of statistical decision theory was used to compute expected error in predicted water levels and expected worth of sample data (expected reduction in error) over the whole model associated with uncertainty in a model variable at one given node. Discrete frequency distributions with largely subjectively- determined parameters were used to characterize tested variables. Ninety -one variables at sixty - one different locations in the model were tested, using six separate error criteria. Of the tested variables, 67 were chosen because their expected errors were likely to be large and, for the purpose of comparison, 24 were chosen because their expected errors were not likely to be particularly large. Of the uncertain variables, discharge /recharge and transmissivity have the largest expected errors (averaging 155 and 115 feet, respectively, per 509 nodes for the criterion of absolute value of error) and expected sample worths (averaging 29 and 14 feet, respectively, per 509 nodes). In contrast, initial water level and storage coefficient have lesser values. Of the more certain variables, transmissivity and initial water level generally have the largest expected errors (a maximum of 73 per feet per 509 nodes) and expected sample worths (a maximum of 12 feet per 509 nodes); whereas storage coefficient and discharge/ recharge have smaller values. These results likely are not typical of those from many ground -water basins, and may apply only to the Tucson basin. The largest expected errors are associated with nodes at which values of discharge /recharge are large or at which prior estimates of transmissivity are very uncertain. Large expected sample worths are associated with variables which have large expected errors or which could be sampled with relatively little uncertainty. Results are similar for all six of the error criteria used. Tests were made of the sensitivity of the method to such simplifications and assumptions as the type of distribution function assumed for a variable, the values of the estimated standard deviations of the distributions, and the number and spacing of the elements of each distribution. The results are sensitive to all of the assumptions and therefore likely are correct only in order of magnitude. However, the ranking of the types of variables in terms of magnitude of expected error and expected sample worth is not sensitive to the assumptions, and thus the general conclusions on relative effects of errors in different variables likely are valid. Limited studies of error propagation indicated that errors in predicted water levels associated with extreme erroneous values of a variable commonly are less than 4 feet per node at a distance of 1 mile from the tested node. This suggests that in many cases, prediction errors associated with errors in basic data are not a major problem in digital modeling.

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This investigation was concerned with the relationships between the superintendent of schools, the board of education, and the local teachers' professional organization in Tucson School District One for the period 1941-1978. Because it was the largest school district in the state of Arizona, as well as one of the largest in the United States, School District One may be considered a microcosm of many older school districts throughout the country. Many problems encountered by District One for the first time during the late 1960s and 1970s had been experienced by other large school districts in earlier decades. The relationships between the school board, superintendents, and the local teacher organization moved through three distinct phases in the years covered by this study. The first phase was a period of consensus during the years when Robert D. Morrow was superintendent of the school district. The second phase, under the administration of Morrow's successor, Thomas L. Lee, was one of transition. The harmonious relationships between the superintendent, trustees, and teachers' organization began to become strained. The third phase, under Wilbur Lewis, Lee's successor, was characterized by conflict and ended in a teacher strike in 1978. During the years 1941-1978, the superintendents' relationships with both the school board and the teacher association changed from that of close cooperation to one of increasing hostility. Among the school board members themselves, little effective dissent existed prior to 1972. In that year, the first of two major critics of the school trustees was elected to office. When she was joined on the board in 1975 by the second dissenter, the community realized that the era of cooperation and quiet disagreement was at an end. The local teachers' organization, the Tucson Education Association (TEA), began in 1917 as little more than a social and educational arm of the school district. As the teacher groups nationally became more militant in the 1960s, the TEA developed a more aggressive attitude towards educational and professional conditions in Tucson. In 1978, relationships within the school district had deteriorated to such a degree that two of the most dramatic incidents in the school district's history occurred: the teacher strike in October, and the resignation of the superintendent the following December. Years later, the effects of these two events could still be observed.

The intercollegiate athletic program for women at the University of Arizona evolved from a rich heritage of activities of dedicated sportswomen. The first provision for physical pursuits on the University of Arizona campus was made in 1895 when President Howard Billman hired Gertrude Hughes to teach physical culture. From that foundation in 1895, a fully developed intercollegiate athletic program for women has developed. This study focuses on the people and events which have shaped that program. Chapter Two provides a survey of the development of women's athletics programs in both institutions of higher education and the society at large with some attention to the history of women in America in order to form a context and comparative format for the Arizona program. Chapters Three and Four center on the administrative leadership of physical education and athletics for women at the University of Arizona. The influences of Ina Gittings, Marguerite Chesney, Mary Pilgrim, and Donna Miller are presented. Chapter Five focuses on the transition period from women's club sports to an intercollegiate athletic program for women, the impact ot Title IX on the development of that program, the merging of women's athletics with men's, and the role that Mary Roby has played in the development of the University of Arizona's women's intercollegiate athletic program. From its fledgling beginning, due to the contribution of people and events, the program has developed into one of the nation's finest from which highly successful individuals and teams have emerged. The present program offers to current highly skilled female athletes at the University of Arizona the opportunity for a qualitative athletic experience in which they can maximize their capabilities both as students and athletes.

Throughout history, religion and politics have approached each other with a wary appreciation of mutual power. One of the latest offspring of this uneasy relationship is the Sanctuary movement. On 24 March 1982, Southside Presbyterian Church in Tucson, Arizona and five churches in Berkeley, California publicly proclaimed their status as sanctuaries for Central American refugees. Three years later there were 214 churches involved and eleven church workers were about to be tried in Tucson. This study is an analysis of the rhetoric used by the movement as it sought to extend its mantle of authority and thus move from the social periphery to the center of society evoking a new public vision of reality. The rhetoric of religious critique of the governmental and social order has been designated "prophetic rhetoric" after the often modeled discourse of the Old Testament prophets. Such discourse can be sectarian and polarizing in tone and impact, but to achieve social transformation the prophet needs some central acceptance. This study examines the potential of prophetic rhetoric within the Sanctuary movement in southern Arizona. It explores how Sanctuary rhetoric draws on the prophetic tradition; how that rhetoric expands or leaves the tradition; and how the rhetoric employs prophetic themes, authority claims, and emotional imagery. The letters and statements of Jim Corbett introduce major Sanctuary themes of the God/Love-Money/Government conflict, prophetic action, civil initiative, and the WWII parallel. The predominantly in-group rhetoric of Southside Presbyterian develops religious justification arguments, while ecumenical Sanctuary services use varied texts, church authority figures, and bonding rituals to build prophetic community across denominational lines. In public debate, religious argument is deemphasized as Sanctuary speakers focus on legal justification and assertion of general social values through image manipulation. Sentencing statements of eight Sanctuary workers vary as some are harshly polarizing, others focus on secular images and legal values, and still others deftly interweave religious and secular justification. Sanctuary speakers use prophetic discourse to critique, without falling into the trap of purely secular political campaigning. A tiny core of dissenters, viewed as extremists, grew into a movement with worldwide support. The justifying message adapted and was at times diluted, but it did not lose prophetic essence.