This research begins with the assumption that the political ideology of Malaysian leaders influences the design of state mosques and seeks to investigate the relationship between Malaysian leaders political ideas of Islam and their influence on the design of state mosques in Malaysia. Even though studies undertaken of state mosque in other Muslim countries show a relationship between state mosque and politics, there are no studies that describe the influence of politics on the state mosques in Malaysia. To date, the research on the state mosque in Malaysia focuses on six main aspects: these are descriptions of the state mosque in regard to its historical development; documentation of the state mosque in the form of measured drawings; classification of state mosque styles; theory for designing the state mosque based on religious sources; discussion on the technical aspects of the state mosque design; and discourse on the role and function of the state mosque in relation to social aspects. In contrast, the aim of this research is to determine: How are the leaders political ideas of Islam expressed through the design of state mosques in West Malaysia? A case study approach as defined by Yin (2003) was applied. Evidence for the case studies has been collected from archival records to gather data regarding political development and building policy which relates to three prominent leaders in Malaysia –Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak and Tun Mahathir Mohamad - while on-site observation, state mosque documents and interview were methods to collect evidence for three state mosques in Malaysia, which are the National Mosque, Penang State Mosque and Putra Mosque. Since this research deals with specific interpretations of the state mosque as a social-physical phenomenon and the need to understand how the structural relationship exists between the state mosques and social culture, a multi-disciplinary logic of inquiry combining the interpretive and structuralist paradigms was adopted. In association, a framework incorporating both semiotics and hermeneutics were developed to analyse, firstly, the symbolic meaning embedded in the design of the state mosques and their mundane settings and, secondly, to reveal the leaders intentions and associated actions during the creation of the state mosques. An analysis of the data exposed that there is a dialectic relationship between the leaders and the design of the state mosque in the period of post-independence in Western Malaysia. The investigation of the three state mosques also suggested that the political ideas of Islam as propounded by Malaysian leaders have a profound effect on determining the design of the state mosque. This study, therefore, offers new insights, which not only add to knowledge in this field by widening and strengthening the understanding of political and architectural historical theory in Malaysia, but also are valuable for range of associated fields including architectural semiotics and non verbal communication. This is because this research reveals deep understandings of the built form and material environment operating as a sign in a cultural and social context.

戰後砂拉越華人改變戰前的政治態度，不再是對政治漠不關心，反而積極參與。砂拉越華人的國家認同由祖國轉而認同砂拉越這片土地，由於受反殖民主義的影響，於是興起反殖反帝國主義運動，以爭取砂拉越獨立建國。在追求獨立建國的過程中砂拉越華人領袖是左翼的中下階級為主導，以對抗英國殖民政府和反對東姑阿都拉曼的大馬來西亞計劃。砂拉越人民聯合黨號召群眾在柯波德調查團和聯合國調查團期間進行反大馬運動，企圖攔阻砂拉越併入馬來西亞。 大馬來西亞計劃提出後北婆羅洲土著和華人才意識到英國殖民政府將撤離，他們才起來組織政黨，以爭取各族的權益。北婆羅洲華人領袖是右翼上層階級為主導，他們經馬華公會的游說而從反對轉向支持馬來西亞，進而與土著聯合組成北婆羅洲聯盟黨，以實現北婆羅洲併入馬來西亞而獨立。 砂、婆兩邦併入馬來西亞過程中經過民意調查的階段。1962年2月19日至4月18日柯波德調查團到砂、婆兩邦徵詢人民對大馬計劃的意見。砂拉越華人社團與人聯黨的備忘錄堅決反對大馬計劃，而北婆羅洲華人社團、民主黨和聯合黨則主張自治，但是柯波德報告書結果卻操縱在英國政府和東姑阿都拉曼的手中。由此可見，柯波德報告書扭曲民意和違背砂、婆兩邦華人自治和獨立的目標。由於印度尼西亞和菲律賓的攔阻，所以由聯合國介入，派遣聯合國調查團到砂、婆兩邦鑑定民意。最終聯合國裁決砂、婆兩邦併入馬來西亞。砂、婆兩邦併入馬來西亞，在憲法上可獲得二十條保障條款和十年過渡期。國家地位而言，砂拉越和北婆羅洲是從殖民地降為受英國操控的馬來西亞之州政府。 / On May 27, 1961, the prime minister of Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman suggested the Greater Malaysia Proposals, which the Federation of Malaya close together with the territories of Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei in political and economic. However Chinese in Sarawak opposed to the British government and the Greater Malaysia Proposals. The left wing of the Sarawak United People's Party submitted the anti-Malaysia memorandum and signature campaign to the Cobbold Commission. While Chinese in North Borneo, mainly are the towkay, generally supported the proposals, because it meant the greater economic opportunities and strengthen of the politic. Cobbold Commission conducted a public opinion poll in Sarawak and North Borneo regarding to the merge of Malaysia. Cobbold Commission went to Sarawak and North Borneo to received the opinion of Malaysia during 1962 Feb 19 till 18 April. Memorandum of Sarawak Chinese community and Sarawak United People's Part rejected merged with Malaysia, but North Borneo Chinese community and Democratic Party, United Party, advocates autonomous. However the polls result manipulated by British government and Tunku Abdul Rahman. Report of Cobbold Commission distortion public opinion and disobey the target of autonomous and independence Sarawak and North Borneo Chinese. The Secretary-General of the United Nations came to appraise the polls in Sarawak and North Borneo due to the baffle of Indonesia and Philippine government for the formation of Malaysia. At last Secretary-General of the United Nations to rule Sarawak and North Borneo merged with Malaysia.When Sarawak and North Borneo finally merged with Malaysia, they got 20 points safeguards and ten-year transitional period under the constitution. However on the part of the nation status, Sarawak and North Borneo from colony reduced to the state government of Malaysia that controlled by British.