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There is a debate on the exact relationship between capitalist development and democracy. Some maintain that there is a theoretical and empirical affinity between the two, while others have demonstrated that authoritarian regimes have been as able to accommodate capitalist development. A major part of this debate revolves around the economic elite's political preferences, which in some cases is perceived as championing democracy while in others, especially in cases of late-development, as supporting the rise of authoritarianism or, in the least, benefiting from the deficiencies of limited democracy. The shifting position of this elite therefore begs the following question: Is there an instance under capitalist development that makes democracy more appealing to the business classes? / To study this question, I have focused on the case of TUSIAD (Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association), a voluntary association made up of several hundred members and founded by the owners of the largest Turkish corporations, that has in 1997 published a report on democratization in Turkey which promoted major changes to the Turkish state and its institutions. The topic is of relevance to the above debate by presenting a case where individuals that were previously perceived as benefiting from the deficiencies of Turkish democracy and/or were too shy politically were promoting major changes to political life. / In order to understand the process behind this break and the shifting political attitude of the association's members, I have conducted several expert interviews with key actors from TUSIAD and the business community. I have also included a comparison between the case of TUSIAD and the demands of associations in the similar cases of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico in order to further test the generalizability of my case study. / My research and the dissertation suggest that changes in the activities of Turkish industry, characterized by economic development and a greater international integration achieved primarily through the European Union, present a new structure of opportunities and constraints for TUSIAD members. The factors that entrepreneurs perceive as being necessary for staying competitive and manage growingly complex enterprises not only make increased democracy more appealing but also create a tension between a segment of business, which is becoming increasingly formal, and a state that has traditionally depended on its informal ties with societies to strengthen its control. / However, my research reveals that these economic changes are not sufficient to constitute a radical break from the state. To understand the case of TUSIAD it should be taken into account that this has been possible because of the economic elite's increasing autonomy (due partly on endogenous changes and the opportunities that internationalization offers) and relationship to the state. Turkish political tradition has enabled the state and governments to isolate themselves from business more than in other cases studied. In fact, states in my comparative cases have tended to grant greater access to business, except for various periods, and as such affected its propensity to mobilize politically. It is therefore the apparent indifference of the Turkish state towards the needs and power of industry that has affected the attitude and ideology of businesspeople, thus leading to a greater break than what the current literature would predict. In outlining this process, the current dissertation therefore contributes to academic debate by outlining the manner in which a positive relationship between the needs of business classes and democracy develops, while maintaining that whether this will lead to a radical break is determined by state tradition.

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This study analyzes the economic relations between Turkey and the European Economic Community (EEC) in the transition period of Turkey's membership in the Common Market. Turkey applied for membership in the EEC in 1959, and the association agreement was signed in 1963. Under the terms of the agreement Turkey's membership includes three stages; preparatory, transition, and full membership.

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Starting from the final decades of the sixteenth century, Ottoman intellectuals were deeply concerned with what they perceived to be the decline of their traditional order. This decline consciousness, which later crystallized into a reform literature, is reflected in the works of this period's major historians. / Chapter I surveys the development of Ottoman historiography prior to the late sixteenth century, with the aim of highlighting the novelty of the critical perspectives developed by historians of the era like Ali, Lokman and Selaniki. The attitudes and analyses of these historians concerning disturbing economic processes such as monetary turbulence and price movements constitute the focus of Chapters II and III respectively. These chapters argue that Ottoman decline consciousness grew partly in response to a keen awareness of newly emerging social and economic forces that Ottoman reform literature chose not to understand and accomodate but to resist and suppress. The failure of Ottoman intellectuals to come to terms with the new market forces of the early modern world was not due to an anti-mercantile bias, but to the primacy of politics in the Ottoman order. Chapter IV traces the international commercial activities of Ottoman Muslims in the context of a comparison between Ottoman decline consciousness and European mercantilism.

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This thesis is a regional history of Lesbos and the adjacent regions of Troas and Aiolis in NW Turkey during Greco-Roman antiquity. This area represents a zone of transition between the Mediterranean and inland Asia Minor, and therefore provides us with a case study of how regions which lie at the margins or beyond the theoretical framework of Horden and Purcell's The Corrupting Sea (2000) function. Rather than defining the area of study simply in terms of physical geography, I instead argue that we can identify a region which I term the coastal interface that is characterized by the overlapping and intermingling dynamics of the maritime and terrestrial worlds. This zone of transition can extend out to sea to include nearby islands which are orientated towards the mainland, for example Lesbos in the case of my thesis, or equally it can stretch inland up river valleys or along other routes of communication to places which, although out of sight of the sea, were nevertheless profoundly influenced by their connection to the maritime world. The chapters of the thesis aim to demonstrate that the concept of the coastal interface can help illuminate the social and economic history of communities living within this region, with Chapters 1-3 focusing on the Troad and Chapters 4-7 looking at Lesbos. The subjects covered include Hellenistic Ilion and the koinon of Athena Ilias (Chapter 1), Theophrastos as a source for the social and economic history of the forests of Mt. Ida (Chapter 2), large-scale state-directed horse breeding in the middle Skamander valley (Chapter 3), Mytilene's peraia in coastal Anatolia from the seventh century down to 427 (Chapter 4), Mytilene's minting of billon and electrum coinage in the fifth century (Chapter 5), the refoundation of the Lesbian koinon in the early second century BC (Chapter 6), and the Aiolian aspect of Mytilenaian identity in the first centuries BC and AD (Chapter 7).

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This dissertation aims to illuminate the changing nature of the Kurdish contention in Turkey since the 1990s as well as its ubiquitous dissemination among the Kurdish grassroots through examining the repercussions of political violence and the relocation of the grassroots from rural to urban centers. My understanding of the recent internal displacement of Kurdish citizens in Turkey in the late 1980s, but en masse in 1990s relates the issue to three overarching intertwined trajectories; 1) the end of the cold war, resulting in the changing nature of political violence and of identity politics; 2) the incursion of neoliberalism and the changing paradigms regarding the nature of state-society relations, resulting in a tendency for decentralization and a decline in the welfare functions of the state 3) the increasing salience of new international concerns--particularly international human rights rhetoric--and their influence domestically. Against this backdrop, I examine how the displacement of Kurdish citizens on a large scale has become part of the changing nature of the Kurdish Question, and in turn has started to redefine its contemporary face in Turkey in the 1990s. I argue that following the 1990s, the Kurdish question in Turkey has [re]surfaced as 1) a problem of political legitimacy between the state and (Kurdish) citizens affected by conflict and displacement 2) an ethno-nationalist claim, 3) a poverty and social citizenship problem. I analyze these three propositions in relation to three main processes. First, I propose that new dynamics have been introduced into the state/center-citizen/periphery relations, through which 'legitimate' Kurdish citizens and secure spaces/geographies are distinguished by the Turkish state in contrast to the 'illegitimate,' 'so-called', 'undeserving' and/or 'suspicious' ones. This process, in turn, brought in question the legitimacy of the state in the eyes of the displaced Kurdish citizens. Second, previously existing Kurdish contention has turned into an ethno-political issue, which is entrenched among the Kurdish masses mired in poverty in the urban centers of southeastern Turkey. Finally, the discontents of neoliberal restructuring in the form of poverty, unemployment and social exclusion have converged with the ethnicized discontent prevailing among the Kurdish masses in the city centers in southeastern Turkey.