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Adenoviruses, particularly types 4 and 7, are associated with febrile respiratory illness (FRI) outbreaks in US military basic trainees. Vaccines against these two serotypes controlled FRI in basic trainees until production ceased in the mid-1990s. After contracting a new manufacturer, adenovirus vaccination of military basic trainees resumed in 2011. The purpose of this dissertation was to assess the cost-effectiveness of using the new adenovirus type 4 and type 7 vaccines for the prevention of FRI in US military basic trainees from the perspective of each military branch. Two decision tree models comparing adenovirus vaccination to no adenovirus vaccination were used for this dissertation. The first model is similar to previous models used to assess the cost-effectiveness of the adenovirus vaccine in the military, where the outcome is number of FRI hospitalizations prevented. The second model created for this dissertation used information gathered from published literature and conversations with experts on the adenovirus vaccine. The outcome for the second model was number of training days lost (TDL) averted. Results from part I indicated that adenovirus vaccination of basic trainees was cost-effective as measured by FRI hospitalizations prevented in all US military service branches but the Coast Guard. The model showed that reintroducing the adenovirus vaccine to basic trainees saved the Army $5.8 million, the Navy, $1 million, the Marine Corps, $238,000, and the Air Force, $5.2 million, annually. In addition, adenovirus vaccination prevented 1,221, 543, 317, 677 cases of FRI hospitalization annually in the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Air Force respectively. In part II of this study, adenovirus vaccination of basic trainees was the dominant strategy as measured by TDL averted in all US military service branches but the Marine Corps and the Coast Guard. Results indicate that it would cost approximately $37.63 and $563.78 per TDL averted for the Marine Corps and Coast Guard respectively. Both models used for this dissertation provide evidence supporting the cost-effectiveness of using the adenovirus vaccine in US basic trainees in all services but the Coast Guard. / text

The events of 9-11 caused the US military to deploy across the globe in support of the Global War on Terror (GWoT) with the assurance it would receive the resources needed to fulfill those operations. As a subordinate arm of the government, the US military is entrusted to prosecute the policies of its civilian leadership provided they receive the required resources to do so. As this thesis demonstrates however, the military is struggling to reconcile how to deliver the goals of its civilian administration when it simultaneously fails to receive the resources needed to meet their demands. The Department of Defense (DoD) is experiencing a stark increase in its deployments and combat operations. Unprecedented 'peacetime' use of Reserve and Guard forces and remarkable DoD personnel policies have stretched the military thin. Despite substantial military budget increases, the military fails to receive adequate funding for combat operations. Meanwhile, soldiers fail to receive the appropriate equipment needed to fight the emerging threats of the GWoT. The military continues to thin many of its own operations, increase the stress on its members, and over-work its equipment in order to meet the needs of its civilian government. Three solutions exist: maintain the status quo, reduce the scope of the GWoT, or begin military funding on par with past wartime budgets. The status quo produced an overstretched/underfunded military. Threats to US security can not support a reduced GWoT. Therefore, the US should increase DoD end strength, increase GWoT funding, and accelerate weapons research and procurement. / Master of Arts

Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation". Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie.

International security, and particularly the threat of terrorist attacks, remains to be one of the most concerning and debated political topics a decade after the September 11th attacks. In particular, the newly elected Obama administration is at a point where they have a chance to reformulate their response to terrorist threats. Traditionally, the US government has resorted to a "hard" style approach of preventive measures and detention of terror suspects. Typically these measures are carried out by the US federal agencies themselves; however the use of civilians in the form of military contractors has become more popular in recent years. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia, an ally of the US has employed a radically different style in dealing with the threat of terrorism in their country. Their rehabilitation programs are part of an entire campaign that chooses a more human-based approach. This research analyzes the effectiveness of the Saudi Arabian program and the US non-governmental approaches to see if there are beneficial methods that can be adopted by the US in their traditional federal methods.

The United States military has an enormous presence in American society. Not only is the military currently engaged in two wars, one in Iraq and another in Afghanistan, but it also employs hundreds of thousands of people in work within US borders and overseas. As a function of its size and prominence in American society, it participates in discourse with American society and apart from it. This thesis investigates and describes the US military in terms of two spheres of discourse, an external and internal. Through three case studies-featuring the Patriot missile system, the America's Army video game, and the scandal of prisoner treatment at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq-it will be shown that not only does the military·engage in corresponding public facing and introspective discourse, but that the external and internal discourses can also exert dominance over each other.

The American GI’s experience in hospital during World War II is absent from official military histories, most scholarly works, and even many oral history collections. Utilizing the papers of WWII infantryman, Leon Standifer, this thesis offers the reader a rare glimpse of WWII military hospital life and chronicles one soldier’s journey from willing obedience to subversive action. This thesis compares the stated goals and procedures of the US Army medical department to the experience of Leon Standifer, an infantryman who served in northern France during the last year of the war and the American occupation of Bavaria, whose service was marked by several periods of protracted hospitalization. Over the course of five hospitalizations, during which Standifer was treated for bullet wounds, trench foot, and pneumonia, he consistently wrote letters to his family describing his experience. A careful reading of Standifer’s wartime correspondence in conjunction with his published and unpublished writings, secondary source material, and military records, suggest that while isolated in the hospital, after killing and experiencing the death of his comrades, Standifer lost his desire to fight. He began to make calculated decisions based on his knowledge of the military medical system in an attempt to ensure his survival and control the remainder of his military service.

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The focus of this thesis is Greece after the 1967 Colonels' Coup. After an analysis of American responses to military coups among allies since 1949, the Greek situation is explored in depth. Emphasis is given to Congressional and Executive infighting and bureaucratic interpretations of policy. The two presidents who dealt with the Colonels are studied for personal reaction. Sources include the New York Times and its Index, the Department of State Bulletins, current Greek history books, Congressional Hearings and other documents relating to Greece. Major conclusions are that Congressional- Executive infighting produced a meandering non-policy toward Greece, and there was a difference in Johnson's and Nixon's reaction with the latter being more pragmatic verbally but less effective factually.