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La rencontre historique entre Abdul Aziz Ibn Saoud et le président américain Franklin D. Roosevelt à bord de l’U.S.S Quincy en mer rouge en février 1945, donna lieu à l’instauration des fondements d’une véritable alliance à long terme, basée sur des intérêts communs très forts entre l’Arabie Saoudite et les Etats-Unis. Le royaume a joué d’ailleurs un rôle important dans l’endiguement du nationalisme arabe et dans l’empêchement de toute pénétration soviétique au Moyen-Orient. Il a joué également un rôle central dans l’endiguement de la révolution islamique iranienne de Khomeiny. Cette alliance va mettre cependant du temps pour atteindre le degré au quelle elle est arrivée lors de la guerre du Golfe de 1990-1991, qui a eu comme résultat une présence militaire américaine permanente sur le sol saoudien et la radicalisation de l’opposition islamiste. Les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, qui ont constitué un véritable choc pour les deux pays, provoquèrent un profond malaise dans les relations américano-saoudiennes. Riyad s’est trouvée dans une situation délicate, quinze des dix neuf pirates de l’air étaient Saoudiens ainsi que le chef d’al-Qaida, Oussama Ben Laden. On assista à une détérioration des relations entre les deux pays et une grande suspicion qui eut du mal à se dissiper, malgré les déclarations de bonne volonté des dirigeants des deux pays. Soumise à d’énormes pressions américaines, l’Arabie Saoudite lança une série de réformes en vue de rassurer Washington et faire face également à une situation très compliquée sur le plan interne (problèmes socio-économiques, le rôle de l’institution religieuse wahhabite, l’extrémisme religieux, droits de la minorité chiite, la question de succession…). Le réchauffement constaté dans les relations entre les deux pays à partir de 2003, qui culmina avec l’instauration du « dialogue stratégique » en 2005, laissa rapidement place à une graduelle prise de distance entre Riyad et Washington à propos de plusieurs dossiers régionaux (la situation en Irak, les ambitions régionales ainsi que le programme nucléaire et balistique de l’Iran, le processus de paix, la Syrie…). Cette prise de distance s’est confirmée avec l’éclatement du «printemps arabe » et le lancement par les Etats-Unis d’une nouvelle stratégie, axée sur un désengagement de la puissance américaine vers la zone du Pacifique. / The Historical meeting between Adul Aziz Ibn Saoud and the US President, Franklin D. Roosevelt on bord of U.S.S Quincy in the Red Sea at February, 1945, had set up a real long standing Alliance based on a strong common Interests between Saudi Arabia and the United States. It will take a time for this Alliance to be at the level it had during the Gulf War (1990-1991), Wich had as result a permanent US Military presence in the Kingdom and the radicalization of Islamist Opposition. The 9/11 Attacks, which was a real Choc for the two Countries and provocated an Embarassment in the US- Saudi relations. Riyad was in a delicate situation, Fifteen of the Nineteen Hijackers of September 9, 11 was Saudis such as head of Al-Qaeda Oussama Ben Laden. We assisted then to a deterioration of the relations between the two Countries and a great Suspicion although some declarations of good Intentions by leaders of two Countries. Subject of a tremendous US pressures, the Saudi Arabia has inaugurated a series of Reforms to reassure Washington and to face a complicated internal situation (Socio-economic problems, the role of the Wahhabi religious Institution, religious Extremism, rights of Chia minority, the problem of succession). The warming of the relations between the two Countries by 2003 wich culminated with the instauration of « Strategic Dialogue » in 2005, made rapidly room to a gradual taken distance between Riyad and Washington about some Regional matters (Iraqi situation, the regional ambitions just as the Nuclear and Balistic program of Ira ; Peace Process ; Syria…). This taken distance is confirmed by the events of « Arab Spring » and the New American Strategy of disengagement to the Pacific Zone.

Techronomicon Techronomicon is a science fiction novel that examines far-future military actions from several different perspectives. Human beings have colonized several planets with help from the enigmatic and more technologically advanced Zhir, who gave spaceships and habitable worlds to those they deemed suitable and their descendants. The Joint Expeditionary Force is the military arm of the Universal Faith, called in when conflicts arise that the Faith decides are beyond the local government and militia and require their intervention. Leneveldt and Roader are JEF officers assigned to Operation Techronomicon, investigating what seems to be a Zhir-built defence shield around the planet Lassana. Another JEF company sent to Kalaabhavan after the murder of the planets Confessor-General loses its CO to a land-mine, and Lieutenant Hellerman reluctantly accepts command. Chevalier, a civilian pilot, takes refugees fleeing military-run detention camps on Ararat to a biological research station on otherwise uninhabited Lila. The biologists on Lila discover a symbiote that enables humans to photosynthesize, which comes to the attention of Operation Techronomicon and the JEF's Weapons Research Division. Leneveldt and Roeder, frustrated by the lack of progress on Lassana, are sent to Lila to detain the biologists, who flee into the swamps. Hellerman's efforts to restore peace on Kalaabhavan are frustrated by the Confessors, and his company finds itself besieged by insurgents. The novel explores individuals' motives for choosing or rejecting violence and/or military service; the lessons they learn about themselves and their enemies; and the possible results of attempts to forcibly suppress ideas.

Although US remained the strongest military power in international system after the Cold War, it was still deeply concerned how to retain its military dominance in the longer term, that could guarantee US further predominance in solving major international issues. Three US military transformation initiatives, namely the transformation of the US conventional forces, the development of missile defence systems and long-range conventional precision-strike capability, are considered as the main instruments to maintain US military dominance in the future. Considering that for Russia and China, which are perceived as the major US opponents, the US military transformation emerged as a big challenge, the research problem is formulated as an attempt to understand whether and how the US military transformation poses a threat to Russia and China’s security and in turn, how this affects Russian and Chinese security policy towards the United States. Accordingly, the goal of the dissertation is to examine the impact of the US military transformation on Russian and Chinese security policy since the end of the Cold War and until 2010. The offence-defence balance theory provides the theoretical and analytical basis for the research. The results of the research have shown that US has managed to achieve an offensive advantage in the conventional offence-defence balance against Russia and China and has had a real possibility to gain such an advantage in the nuclear offense-defence balance... [to full text] / Po Šaltojo karo JAV išliko stipriausia kariniu požiūriu valstybė, tačiau, nepaisant to, JAV buvo itin susirūpinusi savo karinio pranašumo išlaikymu ateityje, kuris leistų užtikrinti tolesnę JAV lyderystę sprendžiant svarbiausius tarptautinius klausimus. JAV karinio pranašumo išlaikymo priemonėmis po Šaltojo karo tapo trys karinės JAV tranformacijos iniciatyvos: konvencinių pajėgų transformacija, priešraketinių gynybos sistemų ir ilgo nuotolio tikslaus konvencinio smūgio pajėgumų kūrimas. Atsižvelgiant į tai, kad Rusijai ir Kinijai – oponuojančioms JAV valstybėms, JAV karinė transformacija tapo dideliu iššūkiu, disertacijoje tyrimo problema apibrėžta kaip siekis suprasti, ar ir kaip JAV karinė transformacija kelia grėsmę Rusijos ir Kinijos saugumui, ir kaip tai veikia Rusijos ir Kinijos saugumo politiką JAV atžvilgiu. Atitinkamai darbo tikslas buvo ištirti JAV karinės transformacijos poveikį Rusijos ir Kinijos saugumo politikai nuo Šaltojo karo pabaigos iki 2010 m. Puolimo-gynybos balanso teorija buvo pasirinkta kaip disertacijos tyrimo teorinė ir analitinė prieiga. Disertacijos tyrimas parodė, kad, nepaisant įgyto konvencinio puolimo pranašumo ir realios galimybės siekti branduolinio puolimo pranašumo, JAV nevykdė agresyvios saugumo politikos Rusijos ir Kinijos atžvilgiu. Rusija ir Kinija jautriai reagavo į JAV karinę transformaciją, stengdamosi įgyti konvencinį puolimo pranašumą, išsaugoti branduolinį puolimo-gynybos balansą, o taip pat užkirsti kelią JAV susikurti... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

This essay examines the social relations between colored and white cadets at the United States Military Academy at West Point during the late 19th century. Through letters we are able to take part of two microhistories that show the social structure from two different angles. Exclusionary rhetoric and practices made it possible for white cadets to shut out colored cadets from their social community. When the first African-American, James Webster Smith entered the Academy in 1870 a controversial question was raised about social relations between colored and none-colored cadets. By studying Smith ́s letters in tandem with those of a white cadet who attended West Point at the same time, Hugh Lenox Scott, this thesis aims to study how racism played out in everyday encounters and practices. In doing so it reveals a complex tension between exclusion and confrontation involving colored cadets, as a result of the structural racism at the Academy and in the American society at large in the post-Civil War era.

Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation". <p><p>Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This item contains the agenda, minutes, and attachments for the Faculty Senate meeting on this date. There may be additional materials from the meeting available at the Faculty Center.