No abstract available. Copyright / Dissertation (MHCS)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

Bibliography: leaves 192-203. / This thesis has two parallel processes of investigation. Firstly, it is an investigation of the extent to which a trade union can successfully participate in the struggle for working women's rights at work and concerning motherhood and childcare, and in the struggle for the realisation of the political aspirations of women workers within a capitalist society. Secondly, the thesis examines the ideological position of the Food and Canning Workers Union in order to refine the theoretical understanding of the woman question in South Africa. Research methods have relied on use of archival documents, both published and unpublished; oral history; secondary sources on the union being studied and on South African society; as well as classical and contemporary texts on the theory of women's oppression and its interconnection with exploitation. The research has been hindered by the historical repression meted out by the South African state, which has forced people into exile, banned written sources, and removed archival material from South Africa. The recent repression has severely hampered the extent of interviewing and discussion, as well as made the process of research and writing of the thesis a difficult undertaking. The union's organising strategy is examined in terms of the following three issues: 1. Because of their dual responsibilities as worker and mother, and because of their relatively unorganised position, women workers are ultra-exploited. What role can a union play in fighting against the various aspects of this? The specific aspects of ultra-exploitation found in the food and canning industry are temporary employment and periodic unemployment; child labour; piece-work; excessive overtime. 2. The inclusion of women into wage labour faces them with a task of combining motherhood and wage labour. How can a union win demands to assist these women workers with this task? The two ways in which the union confronted this question were maternity rights and childcare facilities. 3. The assault on working class in terms of the right to work, the right to live where one chooses, the right to family life, and the right to a decent standard of living was a burden to working class women in particular.

<p>In 2000 “the European Union and South Africa Free Trade Agreement” was established with</p><p>the aim to gradually increase the amount of duty-free agricultural and industrial products to</p><p>each market. The aim of this paper is to investigate if South Africa benefits from the EU-SA</p><p>Free Trade Agreement and also what impacts this agreement has on South Africa’s trade with</p><p>Southern Africa and the rest of the world. The result from the study indicates that South</p><p>Africa benefits from the agreement in terms of improve trade. The result also shows that</p><p>South Africa’s trade with some Southern African countries has been negative effected by the</p><p>agreement but it is difficult to state if this is caused by the agreement or not. The rest of the</p><p>world has not been negatively affected by the agreement.</p>

In 2000 “the European Union and South Africa Free Trade Agreement” was established with the aim to gradually increase the amount of duty-free agricultural and industrial products to each market. The aim of this paper is to investigate if South Africa benefits from the EU-SA Free Trade Agreement and also what impacts this agreement has on South Africa’s trade with Southern Africa and the rest of the world. The result from the study indicates that South Africa benefits from the agreement in terms of improve trade. The result also shows that South Africa’s trade with some Southern African countries has been negative effected by the agreement but it is difficult to state if this is caused by the agreement or not. The rest of the world has not been negatively affected by the agreement.

Masters of Art / This thesis explores the shifting racial identification and politics of the emerging Jewish community in Southern Africa between the Anglo-Boer War in 1902 and the Union of South Africa in 1910. Through an investigation of their actions and thoughts on the cultural, economic, linguistic and political aspects of their lives, I show how the emerging Jewish community formed itself through the political subjectivity of White settlers. Understanding how racial categories were being amalgamated and partitioned in that period of state formation, I argue that the mainstream Jewish community colluded with the colonial state to join into the ‘unity of the White races’. I use Memmi’s (1967 [1957], pp. 19,45) analytic distinction between ‘coloniser’ – a European on African land - and ‘colonialist’ – a coloniser who supports colonialism and believes in its legitimacy - to examine how the process of subject formation is articulated through the political economy of racial capitalism and settler colonialism. When Jews from Eastern Europe (Yidn) began arriving in South Africa in the 1880s, they faced a settler population which simultaneously treated them as members of an undifferentiated European settler population, as candidates for assimilation into colonial Whiteness, and as dirty subjects under threat of colonial state violence. Though there were other possible responses to the colonial relationship that Yidn could have taken, such as linking the fight against antisemitism with other anti-racist and anti-colonial struggles, the community went through a process of colonialist refashioning. To understand this transformation, I focus on four aspects of life. Culturally, Yidn were classed as dirty subjects and Jewish communal institutions worked with the state to ‘clean’, i.e. ‘Whiten’ them up. Economically, Jews of all class positions learnt the exploitative practices of settlers in racial capitalism. Linguistically, Yiddish became classified as a European language by utilising racial hierarchies. And politically, Yidn became citizens by embracing the ideology of a White-only franchise. Focussing in on these processes of assimilation into power, I argue that the primary Jewish communal institutions embraced and internally enforced a colonialist political subjectivity. This thesis is based on archival research conducted in three archives in Cape Town carried out between February and May 2019, and extensive reading of previous historical studies to write a new narrative from previously known sources.

This Master's thesis emphasizes on the analysis of three key factors, that affected the development of the Union of South Africa during the interwar era - the struggle for equality of Afrikaners with Britons, pre-apartheid legislation and a political rivalry of Boer Generals Jan Smuts and James Hertzog. This thesis aims on answering the question, whether the interwar policy of the Union was more affected by the matter of race segregation or by attempts to secure adequate political equality of the Afrikaners. The thesis is dividend to three main chapters, in which the author analyzes all the phenomenon. The nature of so called Afrikanerdom and the interwar political situation are being described, as well as the development of the non-white community in the Union and its attempts of political emancipation. Racial legislation is also explained closely. This thesis focuses on proper explanation of serious social problem of the selected era - the problem of poor whites and describes the way, the South African government tried to deal with it. Key Words Union of South Africa, Jan C. Smuts, James B. M. Hertzog, Afrikanerdom, Interwar Policy

Magister Artium - MA / Harriott is asleep under a jacaranda tree in her daughter's lush Escombe garden. Escombe is no longer part of the Natal Colony, the Natal Colony exists only in the minds of people like Harriott. Escombe, though still in the same place it's always been, is now part of the Union of South Africa. It is the 20th of January 1923. Harriott has lived in the Natal Colony for thirty years exactly. She has been married for only one day less. Dorothy's garden Is wonderful, but according to Harriott, not as wonderful as it could be with a little more effort. Dorothy's bougainvillea are a riot of cerise, peach and white. Her dipladenias climbing the pillars of the front veranda - a profusion of pink. The creamy day Iillies are in full bloom. The lavender is a field of purple and the plumbago hedge, where dragon-like Harriott is asleep under a jacaranda tree in her daughter's lush Escombe garden. The barometer has dropped. Harriott does not notice the thickening of the air, nor the band of dampness spreading along her back. Her chair is covered with blankets and a white sheep fleece. It Is the day-bed of a woman whose own padding has melted away, whose bones are dissolving, whose joints have swollen over. 'It won't be long,' whispers Herbert to his bride as they lie side by side sweltering in the room next to Harriott's, the door ajar so Dorothy can hear her if she calls out. 'I'm afraid, it won't be for very much longer, my dear.' chameleons lurk, is thick with blue ... a cool blue ud at t he bottom of the garden, Dorothy thinks. Boy is hard pressed to kee~~~~~~~~~i_~~~~ go, paw-paw and avocado trees. Harriott pays little heed to t ~ e for her lawns, beds, shrubs, Harriott's book is lying on the grass. It is a very slim volume, the slimmest she owns and the latest addition to her collection, thanks to dear Rose who tracked it down somewhere in London and sent it over. Harriott cannot hold anything heavier than the slimmest of books, nor can she make.

This thesis considers the relationship between Germany’s South-West African colony and its British South African counterparts (the Cape Colony, Natal, Rhodesia and, after the second Anglo-Boer War, the Orange River Colony, and the Transvaal) between 1883 and 1915. The chapters consider the complex and fraught relationship, including the British Government’s surprise and the Cape Government’s dismay following Germany’s establishment of the colony: the German public’s pro-Boer stance juxtaposed against the German Government’s refusal to intervene during the second Anglo-Boer War; the Cape Government’s dilemmas over whether to aid German South-West Africa (GSWA) during Germany’s quasi-genocidal campaigns against the Herero and the Nama; efforts to cooperate with German South-West Africa despite labour competition during the period of the unification of South Africa; and the period after 1910, when the diplomatic relationship became an affair of the Union of South Africa, which simultaneously pursued protectionist policy for South African trade, and bilateral cooperation concerning the diamond industry, as well as security along the border between 1911 and 1914. Finally, I consider the impact of the outbreak of the First World War, which saw Germany and GSWA offer support for an Afrikaner Rebellion to draw Britain’s attention away Europe and install a friendly government in South Africa, while also offering the Union an opportunity to conquer GSWA as part of its sub-imperial ambitions. Among the enduring themes are the interplay between political, economic and military developments, including border disputes, illicit trade, labour competition, and armed incursions led by non-state actors. In conclusion, I argue that as the idea of a South African federation progressed, it was driven in part by geopolitical factors and the desire to counter German imperialism. The British Government endorsed a South African union in part to create a South Africa strong enough to fend off German geopolitical threats. / Thesis (PhD (History))--University of Pretoria, 2021. / Historical and Heritage Studies / PhD (History) / Unrestricted

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Kiel, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. vii-lxii).

This thesis deals with the development of the political environment and society in the Union of South Africa between 1939 and 1948. This period is characterized not only by close cooperation with Great Britain during World War II, the temporary suppression of nationalist opposition and the dominance of the United Party led by Jan Smuts in the South African political scene, but also social tensions and escalating conflict between the mainly Afrikaner "white" populations in the Union and non- European ethnic groups. Regardless of the fact that the Union was in World War II on the side of the victors and the sacrifice that had to bring in comparison with many other belligerent countries was relatively small, Smuts and his United Party suffered a fatal defeat in the first post-war elections in 1948. These elections not only meant the actual end of Smuts' political career and departure of United Party to permanent opposition, but also the beginning of the rule of Afrikaner nationalists for more than forty years. This paper aims to analyse the changes in society and the political climate in the Union during World War II and in the first three years after the war and the reasons that led to long-term dominance of nationalists in South Africa. Key Words Union of South Africa, Second World War, Union...