LD2668 .T4 1966 B583 / Master of Science

As the 2008 presidential election nears, the Democrats get closer and closer to supporting one of two presidential nominees—a Black man or a White woman—both of whom represent demographic groups that have yet to be seen occupying the White House. This creates a unique opportunity for observing the process of transformation and the fluidity of one of some of our most fundamental concepts (i.e., `president' and `woman') through the print media. Therefore, this thesis examines the process of transformation by analyzing the role of Hillary Clinton's gender performances in TIME Magazine.This thesis examines Hillary Clinton's thirteen appearances on the cover of TIME and the corresponding articles, between 1992 and 2008. Through a qualitative content analysis, this analysis combines Judith Butler's theory of gender performitivity and the concept of subversion with more traditional conceptions of male and female gender roles, a in order to assess the subversive potential of Hillary Clinton's mediated gender performances. Specifically, this thesis addresses the following research questions:RQ 1: In what ways does Hillary simultaneously embody both male and femalegender performances?RQ 2: How do mediated gender performances differ from immediate gender performances?RQ 3: How do these performances work to produce her public identity?RQ 4: Do Hillary's gender performances subvert the heterosexual matrix? Or do they reinforce it?This analysis contributes to the theory of gender performance by demonstrating the potential for a methodological application based on the logical consequence of reconstructing gender—even if such reconstruction is based on false pretenses. Furthermore, it contributes to the communication discipline by offering practical guidelines for analyzing and predicting subversive potential. / Department of Communication Studies

Partisanship is found in voter and Congressional behavior. Members of the federal judiciary should behave similarly. I utilize cases involving the Republican and Democratic parties from 1966 to 1997 and examine the voting behavior of federal Courts of Appeal judges. I utilize both cross tabulations and a Logit regression model to determine the likelihood appellate judges will vote for their own party and against the opposition.

The scope of this study is limited to Federal military occupation during the five years from 1865 to 1870. Only the interior counties, where a dense Negro population required the exercise of political and social responsibilities, will be considered in detail. A line from Wise through Bosque, Travis, Wilson, Karnes, and Goliad Counties to the coastal town of Corpus Christi would roughly separate interior from frontier posts.

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From 1981 to 1986, the Reagan administration viewed Nicaragua's Marxist regime as a threat to regional and U.S. national security. The administration's support of the Contra rebels, who were actively fighting to overthrow Nicaragua's government, embroiled the U.S. in a "limited" regional war. While conventional scholarship has characterized this conflict as "Reagan's War", Congress played a significant role in keeping the Contra army active and intact. Caught between Reagan's strident anti-Communist ideology and the fear of a Marxist state in Central America, Congress attempted to establish a middle-of-the-road policy, first cautiously funding the Contras through covert operations and non-lethal aid, finally approving full military support in 1986. Despite opportunities to end U.S. involvement, Congress failed to curb both military escalation and Reagan's ideological ambitions. Ultimately, responsibility for U.S. involvement in the Contra war does not lie solely with the White House; this burden must also be shared by Congress.

This study offers a mythical examination of the addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt during his first two terms of presidency. The direction of the study is to determine the use of the hero persona in Roosevelt's goal of gaining an unprecedented third-term presidential reelection.The study overviews the historic American public attitude toward the concept of a president being elected for a third consecutive term. Close attention is given to the fears of Americans during the late thirties generated from both the Great Depression and the current war in Europe and Asia. Drawing upon comments from various authorities and particularly those of Roosevelt's 1940 election opponent Wendal Willkie, the study establishes that many Americans were afraid that a third-term election would give Roosevelt too much power, and that many compared this power to/ dictatorships like those in Italy and Nazi Germany.-.Examination of numerous addresses by Roosevelt before the 1940 election reveals that FDR established a dramatistic rhetorical framework in which he cast a variety of players including the American people, Congress, the financial leaders of the Nation, foreign countries and dictatorships. These were cast as villains, victims and heroes.Two of the victims were democracy and the American Dream, both being threatened from without and from within America. The study looks at ways Roosevelt cast himself in this drama as the hero and defender of these two myths. / Department of Speech Communication

M.A. (National Strategy) / Please refer to full text to view abstract