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History of senatorial elections in Iowa a study in American politics,Clark, Dan Elbert, January 1912 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Iowa, 1911. / Published also without thesis note. "Notes and references": p. 261-307.
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This ain't your daddy's dixie explaining partisan change in southern U.S. House elections, 1988-2004 /McKee, Seth Charles, January 1900 (has links) (PDF)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Kansas and the presidential election of 1936Ovist, Beverly Ann. January 1955 (has links)
Call number: LD2668 .T4 1955 O96 / Master of Science
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Respecification of Factors Affecting Vote Turnout: A Test of Three Competing ModelsMcClure, David Lawson 12 1900 (has links)
This study tests hypothesized causal relationships between predictor variables and voter turnout. Attention is focused on the psychological and attitudinal dimensions of turnout. Using data from the 1980 National Election Study of the Center for Political Studies, recursive and nonrecursive causal models are constructed to test the effects of election specific factors, social psychological factors, and rational choice based factors on voter turnout. Self-reported turnout is used as the primary dependent variable in all models. Validity tests support use, despite acknowledged limitations.
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Social Networking Sites as a New Public Sphere: Facebook and its Potential to Facilitate Public Opinion as the Function of Public Discourse – A Case Study of the 2008 Obama CampaignSmuts, Lize-Marie 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / In the 17th and 18th centuries the bourgeois public sphere emerged as the conceptual space
between the public, with its enclosed institutions and organisations, and the circle of the
private life. It is within this more or less autonomous space that public discourse took place
and public opinion, as a function of public discourse, was produced. The public sphere was
realised as a necessary precondition of deliberative democracy where it needed to manifest
commitments to freedom and equality in the communicative interaction between those
partaking in the deliberative process. Since the 17th and 18th centuries, the public sphere has
undergone various transformations and, even though it is largely argued that the utopian
public sphere as conceptualised by Habermas does not yet exists, it is regarded as a necessary
precondition that all democracies should strive towards.
Since the 19th century, media has been one of the main intermediary institutions of the public
sphere. Initially, the earlier mass media of press and broadcasting were regarded as adequate
and beneficial for the conduct of democratic politics and the facilitation of public opinion in
the public sphere. Information flow was, however, vertical and the heightened
commercialisation experienced within the media market lead to the neglect of democratic
communication roles between the public itself and the leaders, institutions and organisations.
These forms of mass communication thus limited access and discouraged active political
participation and deliberative dialogue within the public sphere.
In the 20th and 21st centuries, new media, especially the internet, have been hailed as a
potential way to break away from the vertical information flow and to create new arenas for
public discourse. One emerging contending form of new media is social networking sites
(SNSs). Even though SNSs were not initially developed for political reasons, they have been
utilised by political figures in an attempt to broaden voter reach and to enhance their
campaigns. Amongst the SNSs available on the internet, Facebook has emerged as the
largest, fastest growing and most popular SNS amongst internet users between the ages of 18
and 24 in the world. In the past, this age demographic has shown a disinterest in politics and
has thus been recognised as the previously politically disengaged age demographic. American
president Barack Obama realised the potential of Facebook and incorporated it in his new
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media campaign during the presidential election of 2008. Facebook enabled Obama to
expand his voter reach and communicate with the previously politically unengaged age
demographic. It also enabled him to create an arena where political information regarding
the candidate, campaign and relevant political issues can be provided. This opened a
communication flow between Facebook members and the president. Arenas for public
discourse were also established and the potential of Facebook to facilitate public opinion was
realised.
In this study, the question is asked whether Facebook, as a SNS, can be seen as an adequate
forum where public discourse takes place and public opinion, as the function of public
discourse, is facilitated. This study will therefore aim to explore whether a Facebook, as SNS,
can be seen as a public sphere. With the help of a case study of the 2008 Obama campaign,
Facebook has shown the potential to allow for public discourse to take place. Thus the notion
of Facebook as facilitator of public opinion is supported by this study. / Die burgerlike openbare sfeer, as die konseptuele area tussen die publiek, met sy ingeslote
instellings en organisasies, en die private lewe, het sy ontstaan vanuit die 17de en 18de eeu.
Dit is binne hierdie min of meer outonome area waar openbare diskoers plaasvind en waar
openbare mening, as ʼn funksie van die openbare diskoers, geproduseer word. Die openbare
sfeer is ʼn noodwendige voorvereiste van ʼn beraadslagende demokrasie waar dit nodig is om
verbintenisse tot vryheid en gelykheid in die kommunikasie interaksie tussen die wat aan die
beraadslagingsproses deelneem, te manifesteer. Die openbare sfeer het verkeie omvormings
ondergaan en, al word daar geargumenteer dat die utopiese openbare sfeer soos deur
Habermas gekonseptualiseer nog nie bereik is nie, word dit as ʼn noodsaaklike vereiste
waarna enige demokrasie moet streef, gesien.
Sedert die 19de eeu word media as een van die hoof intermediêre instellings van die openbare
sfeer beskou. Die drukpers en uitsaaipers was aanvanklik voldoende en voordelig vir die
bedryf van demokratiese politiek en die fasilitering van openbare mening in die openbare
sfeer. Die vloei van inligting was egter vertikaal en die verhoogde kommersialisering van die
mediamarkte het tot die afskeep van demokratiese kommunikasierolle tussen die publiek self
en die leiers, instellings en organisasies gelei. Hierdie vorms van massakommunikasie het dus
toegang tot, en die aktiewe deelname in die politieke en beraadslagende dialoog binne die
openbare sfeer beperk en ontmoedig.
Gedurende die 20ste en 21ste eeue is nuwe media, veral die internet, as ʼn potensiële manier om
van die eenrigting kommunikasievloei weg te breek en nuwe arenas vir openbare diskoers te
skep, erken. Sosiale Netwerkingswebtuistes (SNWs) is een van die opkomende kompeterende
vorms van nuwe media. Selfs al was SNWs aanvanklik nie vir politieke doeleindes ontwikkel
nie, was dit wel deur die politieke figure, in ʼn poging om kiesersomvang te verbreed en om
hul veldtogte uit te brei, gebruik. Onder die SNWs wat op die internet beskikbaar is, het
Facebook as die grootste, vinnigste groeiende en gewildste onder die internetgebruikers
tussen die ouderdom van 18 en 24 jaar in die wêreld ontstaan. In die verelede het hierdie
jaargroep belangeloos teenoor politiek opgetree en was hulle sodoende as die voorheen
polities onbetrokke jaargroep erken. Die Amerikaanse president, Barack Obama, het die
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potensiaal van Facebook besef en dit in sy nuwe-media veldtog gedurende die 2008
verkiesing ingesluit. Facebook het Obama in staat gestel om se kiesersomvang te verbreed en
om veral met die voorheen polities onbetrokke jaargroep te kommunikeer. Dit het hom ook in
staat gestel om ʼn arena te skep waar politieke inligting oor die kandidaat, veldtog en ter
saaklike inligting aan Facebook-lede beskikbaar gestel is. Dit het ʼn vloei van kommunikasie
tussen Facebook-lede en die president geskep. Arenas waar openbare diskoers kon plaasvind,
is ook skep en die potensiaal van Facebook om openbare mening te fasiliteer, is besef.
In hierdie studie word die vraag gestel of Facebook, as ‘n SNW, as ‘n genoegsame forum
waar openbare diskoers plaasvind en openbare mening as ‘n funksie van openbare diskoers
gefasiliteer word, dien. Hierdie studie poog derhalwe om ondersoek in te stel of Facebook, as
SNW, as ‘n openbare sfeer erken kan word. Met behulp van die gevallestudie aangaande die
2008 Obama veldtog, blyk dit dat Facebook die potensiaal het om openbare diskoers te
fasiliteer. Die idee dat Facebook ʼn fasiliteerder van openbare mening is, word derhalwe deur
hierdie studie ondersteun.
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A Study of the Collective Bargaining Process After Issuance of the Certification of Representative and an Analysis of Similarities in Ratified ContractsPulich, Marcia Ann 05 1900 (has links)
This project explored the period immediately following the NLRB certification of the representation election wherein a Certification of Representative was actually issued. The intent was to examine the ultimate effects of the collective bargaining process after a labor organization was recognized as the official bargaining agent for a bargaining unit. The main purpose of this study was to investigate the collective bargaining process between two established dates: (1) the date the union was certified the collective bargaining agent, and (2) the date a collective bargaining agreement, if any, was obtained. Study data and findings were organized and presented by four research hypotheses. Hypothesis 1 (once a collective bargaining agent is certified as the collective bargaining representative by the NLRB, it will negotiate a collective bargaining agreement) was not supported by total elections for both fiscal years combined; however, responses received percentages resulted in a collective bargaining achievement. Hypothesis 2 (there will be no difference in the amount of time required to negotiate and ratify a collective bargaining agreement following a consent election as compared with stipulated consent or directed elections) was not supported by the research responses received. Hypothesis 3 (once a collective bargaining agreement is negotiated and ratified, it will be renewed at its expiration date) was supported, the majority of elections to account for in all three situations resulted in subsequent contracts negotiated. Hypothesis 4 (there will be no real difference in basic items negotiated in the collective bargaining agreements) was also supported, the categories mentioned would be most important to the union, and center around three main issues: wages, union security and grievance arbitration procedures.
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Characteristics of Texas' 1964 National Political Convention DelegationsCole, Richard L. 01 1900 (has links)
"It is the purpose of this study is to examine these characteristics of the delegates from Texas to the 1964 Democratic and Republican national nominating conventions, as well as to compare and contrast their characteristics. It is a basic assumption of this study that the characteristics of national convention delegates are important in the determination of the character of the convention as an institution."-- leaf 2.
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