This study examined the rhetoric of First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton. Specifically, this analysis explored the relationship between Clinton's rhetoric and her public image. In addressing this issue, Foss' (1989) framework for feminist criticism was used to examine three key components: 1) the type of gender roles that Clinton describes and advocates in her rhetoric; 2) her gender portrayal of the first lady role; and 3) whether any alterations in her enactment of the first lady have helped or hindered the feminist cause. Clinton's rhetoric is focused on the empowerment of women, their children, and their families. Clinton's rhetorical perspective is aligned with a liberal feminist ideology and declares that women should make their own choices and should not fall victim to traditional patriarchal values and societal expectations. This analysis further reveals that Clinton combines feminine and masculine rhetorical styles to overcome the contradictory expectations that are placed upon women speakers. This analysis indicates that Clinton's image and role as first lady has fluctuated as she has grappled with societal expectations. Throughout Clinton's tenure in the White House, America has become more comfortable with her redesigned role as first lady. This analysis contributes to the lives of women by providing a model of a female rhetor who is successful despite the confines of a patriarchal society. In addition, this examination also legitimizes a woman's right to fight for equality and to use alternative ways to raise a family. Further, this analysis indicates the need to expand communication models to encompass a rhetor's blend of communication styles. / Department of Speech Communication

No description available.

The public relations response of the church to the sexual abuse malady is the focus of this project. The purpose of this project is to evaluate the discourse and actions of the church according to image restoration theory.

This thesis examined strategies employed by the Los Angeles Archdiocese in its communcation with the media during the initial phases of handling the child sexual abuse scandal. Internal and external messages from the archdiocese were analyzed in terms of how well they conformed to the five generally accepted principles that should govern crisis communication: timeliness, openness, honesty, regret and accessibility.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Research suggests that misperceptions about the mentally ill and about their ability to recover and live productive lives are still commonly held by the public. Psychoeducation programs and direct contact can help both correct misperceptions and offer encouraging messages about recovery in those with and without mental illness. Consumer presentation programs, such as NAMI’s In Our Own Voice (IOOV), were designed in part for these purposes. This study examined archival IOOV audience evaluations (n = 599) from 2009 to better understand how audiences respond to IOOV in natural settings. Qualitative and quantitative analyses were conducted to examine: 1) viewers’ responses to the program, 2) differences between consumer and nonconsumer responses, and 3) whether the program satisfies program goals for audience members. Results indicate that the majority of viewers respond positively, in a variety of ways and to a variety of program elements not previously identified. Additionally, the program’s effects appear to generalize across consumers and nonconsumers equally well, with the exception that nonconsumers more frequently reported finding the program educational and consumers more frequently reported personally relating to presenters. Finally, results suggest that IOOV is indeed meeting its two stated program goals for audience members: educating the public and offering a hope-inspiring message of recovery. In conclusion, IOOV, as it is performed in the field, appears to be a valuable addition to educational and inspiring recovery-oriented programming available to the public.

This thesis examines the issue of Texas annexation from the viewpoints of two southern cities: Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana. It looks primarily at four major newspapers, two in each city: the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Whig; and the New Orleans Times-Picayune and the New Orleans Whig. These four newspapers were examined thoroughly from January 1844 to July 1845. In addition to the above newspapers, the Congressional Globe and national voting patterns on Texas annexation were examined. Analysis of the editorial articles in the above newspapers offers the best possibility of understanding public sentiment toward Texas annexation and the presidential election of 1844. The evidence examined in this study indicates that Texas annexation became a decisive issue in the presidential election of 1844. It also shows that, although the press and elements within both Democratic and Whig parties were aware that the slavery question was intricately linked to the Texas annexation issue, slavery and sectional politics were not the primary factors influencing annexation. Ultimately, fundamental concerns regarding western expansion in general, especially for the Whigs, and political party loyalty proved the decisive factors in the presidential election of 1844 and Texas annexation. The evidence gathered in this study indicates that Texas annexation deliberately became an issue in the presidential election by the Democratic party. It also shows that although consideration was given to the slavery question by elements of both the Whig and Democratic parties, sectional politics did not enter into play concerning the annexation of Texas.

Recently, empirical attention has been directed toward understanding public opinion about gun control laws. Despite this focus, three gaps are evident in extant scholarship. First, few current examinations have relied on recently collected, national data to explore predictors of public attitudes. Second, relatively little work systematically investigates whether type of weapon bans (e.g. handgun versus semi-automatic weapon) affects public support for a given gun control initiative. Third, and importantly, the general focus in prediction support for gun control measures has been on social and demographic factors. Little is known from a theoretical perspective about how other variables - such as knowledge of Constitutinal issues or perceptions of the U.S. Supreme Court - affect public attitudes toward gun control. Using national poll data collected in 2011 by Time magazine, this study addresses these research gaps by estimating several logistic regression analyses. Research and policy implications are discussed. / by Elizabeth Borkowski. / Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.

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This dissertation analyzes the nature and degree of attitudinal change that has taken place within a key sector of the Catholic Church, i.e, lay leaders, in the period between 1966 and 1987 in two different national contexts, Chile and the United States. It builds on an unfinished study by Ivan Vallier, who attempted to clarify the ambiguous position of the laity in the Church and in society, in implementing the reforms of Vatican II. The author interviewed 96 middle-class lay leaders, plus dozens of informants. The analysis examines continuity and change on three issues. Some key findings include: a significant change in concepts of Church and God, toward more intimate/maternal images that encompass an active social dimension; much greater salience and complexity of the 'democratization' issue, particularly concerning the role of women, in the American Church; and the continuing imperative of the socio-political issue for the Chileans and their demands for more, not less, political involvement by the hierarchy. The results reflect the persistent tensions between 'progressive' and 'conservative' models of change, and help to explain the continuing importance of religion in modern society.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)