While most research on Port Planning in the past has focused on the marine and rail aspects, this study examines the urban influence on port development. It -is a case study of a portion of the waterfront of the Port of Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, which lies adjacent to a metropolitan area of 1,000,000 persons. A survey was carried out on all the waterfront users to determine origins, destinations and volumes of cargo handled, frequency of service calls, employment and space requirement, site and plant characteristics, and mode and frequency of transportation. A second survey on a major cargo terminal was completed to determine the origin and destination of truck trips, and the length of time spent at the waterfront. A third survey sampled 25% of the 350 marine service industries as part of an economic impact study of the port. The conclusions reached are as follows: 1. The volume shipped through the Port of Vancouver will double during the next decade. As the 1968 capacity of the port was barely adequate to handle the existing flows a twofold expansion of facilities is necessary if the projected flows are to be accommodated. 2. Space to accommodate shipping operations of these proportions is not available without either land reclamation or major disruption of adjoining urban sites. Within the waterfront, 50% of the waterfront users indicate a need within five years to increase their sites for a total of 84 acres. 3. Congestion on the urban street system increased the cost of trucking from a general cargo terminal by 27%. 4. The unproductive time of trucks delayed at one general cargo terminal amounted to $750,000 annually. 5. The present switching methods and arrangements of the railway lines impose delivery delays and increase costs, amounting to about $400,000 annually. 6. Cargoes and waterfront products have few direct links with the city. Only 0.6% of the port’s exports originate from the city and 10% of its imports are destined for the city. 7. An urban location for the port is no longer necessary due to the change in cargo flows and service links. Eighty-five per cent of the major port service sector indicate they would remain in the city should the entire port operations be moved south, 18 miles, to Roberts Bank. 8. The urban growth has resulted in one-third of the port waterfront being used for non-port functions. In addition, three-quarters of the port interface is being redeveloped with urban renewal and residential projects, which is effectively preventing port expansion in this direction. 9. Management of the port is impeded, in that no single agency exercises jurisdiction over port lands, to provide coordinated planning. 10. The variation in downtown land values are reflected in similar variations in waterfront assessments, irrespective of the waterfront function, or its trade and service links. This study found that the conflict between the shipping activity and the adjoining urban area is a significant impediment to the present operation and future development of the Port of Vancouver. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

While most research on Port Planning in the past has focused on the marine and rail aspects, this study examines the urban influence on port development. It is a case study of a portion of the waterfront of the Port of Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, which lies adjacent to a metropolitan area of 1,000,000 persons. A survey was carried out on all the waterfront users to determine origins, destinations and volumes of cargo handled, frequency of service calls, employment and space requirement, site and plant characteristics, and mode and frequency of transportation. A second survey on a major cargo terminal was completed to determine the origin and destination of truck trips, and the length of time spent at the waterfront. A third survey sampled 25% of the 350 marine service industries as part of an economic impact study of the port. The conclusions reached are as follows: 1. The volume shipped through the Port of Vancouver will double during the next decade. As the 1968 capacity of the port was barely adequate to handle the existing flows a twofold expansion of facilities is necessary if the projected flows, are to be accommodated. 2. Space to accommodate shipping operations of these proportions is not available without either land reclamation or major disruption of adjoining urban sites. Within the waterfront, 50% of the waterfront users indicate a need within five years to increase their sites for a total of 84 acres. 3. Congestion on the urban street system increased the cost of trucking from a general cargo terminal by 27%. 4. The unproductive time of trucks delayed at one general cargo terminal amounted to $750,000 annually. 5. The present switching methods and arrangements of the railway lines impose delivery delays and increase costs, amounting to about $400,000 annually. 6. Cargoes and waterfront products have few direct links with the city. Only 0.6% of the port's exports originate from the city and 10% of its imports are destined for the city. 7. An urban location for the port is no longer necessary due to the change in cargo flows and service links. Eighty-five per cent of the major port service sector indicate they would remain in the city should the entire port operations be moved south, 18 miles, to Roberts Bank. 8. The urban growth has resulted in one-third of the port waterfront being used for non-port functions. In addition, three-quarters of the port interface is being redeveloped with urban renewal and residential projects, which is effectively preventing port expansion in this direction. 9. Management of the port is impeded, in that no single agency exercises jurisdiction over port lands, to provide coordinated planning. 10. The variation in downtown land values are,reflected in similar variations in waterfront assessments, irrespective of the waterfront function, or its trade and service links. This study found that the conflict between the shipping activity and the adjoining urban area is a significant impediment to the present operation and future development of the Port of Vancouver. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

This thesis examines the current separation between the disciplines of physical planning and social planning with particular reference to the City of Vancouver. Traditionally, physical planning was dominated by the doctrine of environmental determinism while social planning was limited to the supply of social services to the community. Neither of them, as separate functions, was able to effectively eliminate social and environmental problems in the urban complex. The maladjustment between the physical plans and social desires is particularly evident in urban renewal programs where replacement of poor physical structures by decent housing fails to, improve the social conditions. One of the methods advocated in North America for eliminating mismatches between physical planning and social needs is citizen participation in planning. The primary purpose of this thesis is to test the relevance of citizen involvement as a liaison between the two functions. The hypothesis for this research is: That citizen participation will assist in the integration of physical planning and social planning. Research findings reveal that "planning" is a comprehensive process of decision-making on the allocation and development of human and physical resources. Any physical plan which aims at improving the environment for the benefit of the public is essentially "social" in nature. Planning is therefore an apparatus for co-ordinating the individual physical-socio-economic functional programs of a community into an integrated overview of the total community. In fact, only one type of planning exists - a comprehensive approach aimed at achieving social goals. It is an inter-systems method which involves the deliberate introduction of socioeconomic and human-behavior consideration into the decision-making arena. Further research on citizen participation appears to support the hypothesis that citizen involvement will assist the desired integration of physical planning and social values. Various forms of citizen participation are identified, ranging from the passive non-participation role of education, information, consultation and placation to the aggressive effects of delegated power and citizen control. This gradation of participatory "strategies" is represented by a typology -The Model of a Ladder of Citizen Participation. Literature review also indicates that citizen participation is in fact a new kind of politics which involves the redistribution of power to the have-not citizens and the decentralization of government functions. The peak level of the citizen participation model is "citizen power", at which step, social desires of the community are significantly represented and accounted for in the planning process. The Case Study on the Strathcona Urban Renewal Porgram in Vancouver provides affirmative indications in favour of the hypothesis. Various "strategies" of citizen involvement, progressing from the low level of non-participation and tokenism in the early 1960s to the present stage of delegated power were practised by the Strathcona residents. The Case further substantiates the hypothesis that citizen participation is a promising alternative to the traditional planning approach under the existing political system. Although the urban renewal program in Strathcona is still under process to-date, there is some validation in presuming that participatory democracy will assist the integration of physical planning and social values. In retrospective, it appears that two challenges are posed to the planning professionals: to increase their social sensitivity and to broaden their innovation role. Future research into the methods of promoting meaningful citizen participation and to politicize the planning process are deemed necessary. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

This study is essentially a descriptive report on where people move after being displaced by urban renewal projects. In particular, empirical research has been conducted on the displaced population of Vancouver's Urban Renewal Project 2. Information on the geographic dispersion of relocatees provides a partial basis for assessing the effects of relocation on the displaced population and on the community at large. A review of past Canadian and U. S. relocation patterns indicates that relocated families and individuals tend to settle close to their old neighborhoods. While the availability of low income housing nearby and an inadequate knowledge of housing opportunities elsewhere are partially responsible for this pattern, a more dominant influence on relocation patterns is the reluctance of many families to abandon the sub-culture of working class or low income areas. In light of past research, the following hypothesis has been formulated regarding relocation patterns for residents displaced by Project 2 in Vancouver: The given displaced population will exhibit a tendency to relocate within one mile of the renewal site. Post-relocation addresses have been traced for 73 households or 20 percent of the displaced population which did not move into public housing. An examination of the patterns of dispersion confirms the research hypothesis. Sixty percent of the 73 households traced resettled within one mile of the renewal site. Thirty-four of these households relocated in present and proposed renewal sites. Because of a lack of data on household characteristics and on housing conditions, only a tentative assessment of the effects of relocation can be made at this time. The dispersion pattern documented suggests that few residents were socially or psychologically prepared to move at the time of displacement. For many, relocation has probably been a disruptive and disturbing experience. The dispersion pattern also suggests that housing conditions for a large number of families and individuals either did not improve or were impaired by relocation. In view of the current housing shortage, particularly for low-income groups, relocation may have resulted in the further over-crowding of low-income dwellings and in the premature deterioration of part of the city's housing stock. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

This thesis is part of a larger continuous study which deals with the concept of "Life Style" as a force mapping segments of the urban society into reasonably distinct areas within a metropolitan district. This paper then uses the concept of the "Life Style" as a starting point. The life style chosen here for study is connected with those people who select to live in the dense residential environments associated with the urban core. By examining such an area, its context within the metropolis is found, and the elements constituting it and their interconnections are identified. From the form giving forces generated by this information, a residential system is developed that reflects and reinforces the life style of the population under study. The system is evolved in a “model' abstract area that exhibits characteristics and constraints common to many metropoli, and later applied to a real situation in a particular city to test the efficacy of the system under typical conditions. For the sake of the thesis, I have called the model "Intropolis". It is suggested that new skills and new methods will need to be devised to describe the specific segments of the metropolitan area. To describe Intropolis I have asked a number of questions. The necessary information to answer these questions has been found from census data, from our own observations, and from a sample attitude test undertaken in the West End of Vancouver. The questions are as follows: 1. Who are the people that congregate in a specific area and what are their characteristics and attitudes? Here I have described families in the model area, the households, and the attitudes of members of the household to each other. I was also concerned with household economics and its influence on choices; the sources of family income and the kind of work that procured it seemed to have an influence on values and choices made. 2. How is time used? Observation of activities and their position in space and time becomes as important to the environmental designers as the more normal census data. 3. What are the important forms and tools of communication between people? The urban area is often defined as a system of contacts, and it is suggested that the pattern of place and space may influence the nature of contacts, and vice versa that the nature of the contacts will influence the needs of space. New forms of communication have been a great influence on urban form. I found that these tools must however not be taken for granted as they are not equally available to all groups within the community. After completing the description of the model area, information was perceived as a form giving force from which some of the factors which determine the character of the area can be deduced. These are described in the second part of the thesis. They include a) A basic movement system b) A system of relationships of housing to institutions such as schools, hospitals, churches, public and social services, and commercial and business needs. c) A system of contacts and separations within the area, including open and enclosed spaces. d) A range of choice and a range of densities of housing types. The thesis concludes by integrating these forces into a diagrammatic whole on the model area. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Architecture and Landscape Architecture (SALA), School of / Graduate

This study is an initial and exploratory venture toward examining organizational change as it applies to the field of social welfare in Greater Vancouver. Specifically the formulation for documenting change as outlined in the proposal of the Area Development Project of the Greater Vancouver Area was used in three separate case studies. The study has concerned itself with documenting the process of organizational change (both planned and unplanned), rather than analyzing the effect organizational change has had upon services and/or agencies. The first case study deals with three social actions initiated in 1964 by the Society of Women Only, a group of deserted women in the Vancouver Area. In each action process the organization was attempting to create change in governmental systems of a mutual support and social control nature. The change processes were documented from their inception but not to their conclusions. The structured organizational change documented in the second case study occurred in 1961. At that time two divisions of the Social Planning Section of the Community Chest and Councils of Greater Vancouver, the Groupwork and Recreation Division and the Family and Child Welfare Division were combined. The combined divisions became the Welfare and Recreation Council. The whole change process was documented from its inception in 1960 until the change was assessed by a special committee in January - March 1965. The third case study considers the documentation of organizational change being attempted in a geographic area known as Sunrise Park in the city of Vancouver. The purpose of this change process has been to formulate plans for action by the health, recreation, education and welfare agencies towards solving problems that exist or may exist as a result of the introduction of a large public housing project into the area. The case study deals with change process in its initial stages as the organizational change in the period under study was only just beginning. Each writer has concluded his case study by making a number of critical observations concerning the utility of the selected model for the development of both theory and practice in the field of community organization. / Arts, Faculty of / Social Work, School of / Myers, Robert James; Belknap, John Victor / Graduate

This study seeks to explore the development of police forces and their relationship to the general community. Attention is given to the systems in Great Britain, United States and Canada. A particular focus is placed on some aspects of the Vancouver Police Force. The main body of the material presented was gained from extensive use of library resources. Some additional information was obtained from the Vancouver Police Department and an interview with Vancouver Police personnel. The study reviews the legal jurisdiction of police power, and the integration of police administration into the modern community. Attention, also, is given to police personnel and training. Finally, some general conclusions are presented regarding public awareness and the concept that police work should be professionalized. In the writer's opinion this study indicates that adequacy or inadequacy in at least early police forces was often dependent upon the whim or attitude of one individual. There seems little question that a modern police force should be more than a product of a historical evolution. The role, administration and training of a modern force should be based on continuing evaluation and study. Application should be made of the best thinking and knowledge available regarding public administration, personnel training, and social complexities which effect a police force because it is an integral part of the community. The writer hopes that this study will contribute to a general review of the administration of justice, and assist in further research concerned with this aspect of human endeavour. / Arts, Faculty of / Social Work, School of / Graduate

North American cities consist of a variety of different ethnic groups. Many of these groups are minority communities who live in clearly defined areas of the cities and maintain many of the habits and traditions of their homelands. This leads them to live in a way which is often quite distinctive from the dominant Anglo-American culture prevalent in most Canadian or American cities. The present study is concerned with one such community. More particularly, this study examines the food habits of Greek immigrants in Vancouver, and attempts to show that the food habits maintained by this group differ from those of the 'average' Canadian. Spatially, such differences are manifested in a distinctive pattern of food shopping behaviour. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

Urbanization is a dominant characteristic of the world condition. Eventually 90 - 95 per-cent of the total population will live in urban agglomerations. In Canada, the prefered housing type is still the single-family house on its own lot, even though many people cannot afford it or must give up some of the advantages of urban life to achieve it. What is urban life now? It is based on the economic condition of people - not only is poverty a problem but so is affluence. Work and leisure are being re-evaluated and our views of labour, social class, family structure, etc. are changing. Social stratification exists and people of similar life-style tend to become members of cohesive communities. Recognizing this, how can various styles-of-life be accommodated with creating ghettoes? Community becomes harder to define considering both social and physical mobility. Problems of members complicate the issues further - changes of scale may mean entirely new problems. The family is changing as an institution and in its composition - younger marriages, female - male equality, birth control, single generation family are changing the conditions that lead to existing housing forms. In order to deal with the many complexities affecting housing a method of defining life-style was devised - life-style being regarded as a valid means of defining community in terms of individual conditions of social situation, mobility and communication, use of time, position in the power or governmental structure. This is the basis of the housing grouping theory, that is: people live together because of a common sense of appropriateness to their situation or life-style. The investigation of life-style was divided into the above characteristics of people. A study area was chosen, the Commercial Drive area of Vancouver, and the method related to the specific problem definable through use of the methodology or "check list." This method enabled us to investigate and discribe "Urbville." The life style of Urbville is characterized by people from old cultures who have moved to a new North American setting. Most people in Urbville are newcomers to this country and adaption to the new environment, new surroundings and a different society, consumes a large amount of the energies of the population. Financial means are small in relation to those of other Canadians but a little better than they were in Italy, Greece or China. Social status, however, is felt to be lower. It is therefore more secure to stay close to those who speak the same mother tongue, and who have a common culture, similar experiences and a similar fate. The income of families in 1961 was $4,034 against $5,366 Metro average. Mobility of those living here is very low compared with others in the urban area. Only 40% of the families own a car while the average for the urban area is 63%. Many men work in the district in which they live with their families, and women and children spend most of their time in the same environment, close to home, the church, the school and shopping of the area. The environ, in fact, is like the village in which all life and all public facilities are within walking distance. In the urban setting, however, the village is modified by other communication, transportation and industry. In our case its centre is a street which is also a major traffic artery for trucks and cars leading from the centre to other parts of the urban system. The arising conflicts are too great and must be adjusted, without interrupting the validity of a village centre which may also attract others from the urban area because of what it offers in restaurants, specialty shopping and its specific character. While families with children dominate the residential pattern there are also many other households which must be accommodated in proper balance and ease the close contacts which are the nature of "village life." As street life is important, cars must be removed from the streets. The paved area of the remaining street and the stoop for sitting make for easy informal contact for children and adults. There is some need for outdoor privacy, but in an atmosphere of safety in this culture, that need is small. Because of binding emotional and cultural ties the community is closely knit, although not in an organizational sense. In fact, there is a need for social assistance due to difficulties of adaption. The present formal education in the area is less than average, and pleasure and recreation must be achieved with a minimum of funds in the family with friends and neighbours. Therefore, there is the need to give the greatest wealth of experience within the environ. Home, street, shopping street, institution and green space for recreation are the ingredients of this environ. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Architecture and Landscape Architecture (SALA), School of / Graduate

The surface character of a suburban area is far from the uniform, smooth and flat planes over which current surface-layer theory is valid and where vertical eddy-fluxes can be assumed to be almost constant horizontally and vertically. The complexity of the surface introduces considerable variability into the atmosphere at small spatial scales. This variability is partly reduced and spatially-averaged by turbulent mixing but still leaves the concerns about the spatial representativeness of sensible heat flux measurements over a suburban area. The spatial scales of sensible heat flux variability are discussed in terms of the distribution of surface temperature and roughness elements. It is shown that : (1) an eddy-correlation measurement can be considered spatially representative, if its surface zone of influence (source area) is large enough to include a spatially representative sample of surface temperature and roughness elements. (2) a quantitative measure of spatial representativeness can be estimated by use of the two-dimensional Fourier transform of the surface temperature and roughness element distributions (i.e. by the normalized integrated variance spectrum). (3) the source area of an eddy correlation measurement may be evaluated by a numerical model based on a probability density function plume diffusion model. The source area model developed herein can also be used to estimate the relative influence of specific surface sources or sinks upon an eddy-flux measurement in the surface layer. These concepts are tested in a suburban residential area in Vancouver, B.C., Canada. Remotely sensed surface temperatures and a digitized roughness element inventory are used as data-bases for the Fourier transforms to develop representativeness criteria for eddy-flux measurements. A set of sensible heat flux measurements at six sites and the corresponding source area calculations are used to formulate recommendations for the objective evaluation of the spatial representativeness of sensible heat flux measurements over a suburban area. The validity of the suggested evaluation methods is confirmed by the observations. Internal boundary layer growth, estimated by the source area model, compares well with existing work. Some consequences of complex surfaces on the surface layer structure are briefly discussed. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate