Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the use of address form in Tshivenda. Chapter one concentrates on aims of study, data collection and the organisation of study. Chapter two concentrates on various studies which deal with forms of address in different communities. They introduce forms of address as a routine between people who are embedded in the socio-cultural context of society. Chapter three deals with the informal use of forms of address. This includes names, pronouns and kinship terms. Different names deal with Tshivenda names and Non- Tshivenda names, and the way they are used in different context as a form of address. The controversial use of a pronoun as a form of address is also taken into account as well as kinship terms as a form of address in family where forms are applied in informal situation. [Where the place is unstructured and they are applied in the traditional way.] Chapter four investigates the formal use of address in a structured situation, this covers titles, occupations, special address forms and innovations. Titles are used in a more structured situation. They show social rank or official position such as Doctors, Professors etc. Occupational terms are connected with a person's job. These are terms like nurses, teachers etc. The special forms of address are used in certain occasions where the sender uses an unpopular form of address, uses new techniques and they are practised by elite class, who tries to change the status quo. Chapter five gives the main conclusions of the thesis. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die gebruik van aanspreekvorme in Tshivenda. Hoofstuk een konsentreer op die doelstellings van die studie, die versameling van data en die organisasie van die studie. Hoofstuk twee konsentreer op verskillende studies wat handel oor aanspreekvorme in verskillende gemeenskappe. Hulle sluit in aanspreekvorme soos gewoonlik gebruik tussen mense wat vas gewortel is in die sosio-kulturele konteks van die gemeenskap. Hoofstuk drie handel oor die gebruik van informele aanspreekvorme. Dit sluit in name, voornaamwoorde en verwantskapsterme. Dit sluit in Venda en nie-Venda name in verskillende kontekste. Die gebruik van 'n voornaamwoord in aanspreekvorme word ook belangrik geag sowel as verwantskapsterme in familie waar vorme gebruik word in informele situasie. Hoofstuk vier ondersoek die formele gebruik van aanspreekvorme in 'n strukturele situasie. Die sluit in titel, beroepe, spesiale vorme en innovasie. Titels word gebruik in In strukturele situasie. Hulle verwys na sosiale posisie of amptelike posisie soos dokters, professors ens. Die spesiale vorme word gebruik in omstandighede waar die sender die ongewone vorm gebruik vir die ontvanger. Innovatiewe vorme gebruik nuwe tegnieke en hulle word beoefen deur die hoer klas, wat probeer om die status quo te verander. Hoofstuk vyf gee die bevindinge van die tesis.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The use of interpersonal verbal routines such as greetings is a universal phenomenon of human languages. All human speech communities have such formulas, although their character and the incidence of their use may vary enormously from one society to another. For several decades, greetings have been a recurrent object of inquiry for linguists and other human communication. Greetings are part of phatic communion, whereby people create ties of union and avoid silence, which is always alarming and dangerous. Communion among humans will often be marked in speech “phatically”. There is widespread evidence that greetings are an important part of the communicative competence necessary for being a member of any speech community. Greetings regularize patterns among members. Greeting has been often treated as if it was spontaneous emotional reaction to the coming together of people carrying overtly its own social message. Greeting expressions constitute an important part of the polite language. By greeting the speaker, indicates his attitude towards the addressee or starts a conversation with him. Greetings are often patterned expressions, which may vary among different nations. Most greetings perform primarily a phatic communion function; some greetings are used to convey information. Some culture does not operate non-verbal demonstration of respect of difference like bowing, or prostrating and kneeling, it makes up for this by insistence on the proper execution of verbal greetings, for example: Igbo culture does not operate nonverbal, whereas Japanese, Joruba and even Vendas they do practice these non-verbal demonstrations. Cultural performances are influenced by social variables such as the ages, sex and status of the interactants. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die gebruik van interpersoonlike mondelingse roetines, soos die handeling van groet, is ‘n universiele fenomeen van menslike taal. Alle menslike gemeenskappe het formules, alhoewel hulle karakter en die voorkoms van hulle gebruik, mag verskil van een gemeenskap tot ‘n ander. Vir dekades, was groet ‘n herhaalde onderwerp van ondersoek van taalkenners saam met ander aspekte van persoonlike kommunikasie. Die handeling van groet is ‘n deel van fatiese kommunikasie, waarby mense bande skep, en stilte vermy wat angswekkend kan wees. Kommunikasie tussen mense sal altyd na verwys word as faties in taalverskynsels. Daar is wydverspreide bewyse dat die handeling van groet ‘n belangrike deel van kommunikatiewe kompetensie is, wat noodsaaklik is vir 'n lid van enige gemeenskap geld. Groet reguleer voorbeelde van wedersydse verhoudings tussen groepelede. Groet is dikwels hanteer asof dit ‘n spontane emosionele reaksie by die saamkom van mense is wat hulle eie sosiale boodskap oordra. Die spraakhandeling van groet vorm ‘n belangrike deel van beleefdheidtaal. Deur te groet, bewys die persoon sy houding teenoor die ander persoon of begin om met die persoon 'n gesprek te voer. Die spraakhandeling van groet is dikwels voorbeelde van uitdrukkings wat verskil tussen verskillende taalgroepe. Die meeste groetvorme het ‘n primere fatiese gemeenskaps funksie, sommige begroetings word gebruik om informasie te verskaf. Sommige kulture maak nie gebruik van nie-verbale demonstrasies van respek of verskille soos neerbuiging of kniel, dit maak op vir die aandring op behoorlike gebruik van mondelinge begroeting, byvoorbeeld: Igbo kultuur maak nie gebruik van nie-verbale demonstrasies, waar Vendakultuur gebruik maak van hierdie nie-verbale demonstrasies. Kulturele belewenis van die groetvorm word beVnvloed deur sosiale veranderlikes soos ouderdom, geslag en status.

Thesis (MA. (African Languages)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014 / This research focuses on the use of derogative language in Tshivenḓa discourse. Derogative language is the language used in a society in showing critical or disrespectful attitude. In each and every society, people use derogative language or words in addressing different unacceptable behaviours. Derogative language is used in schools, churches, homes, to mention but a few places. There are factors compelling Vhavenḓa people to use derogative language. In this regard, one may mention social, political, and economic factors. For instance, hardworking people who have amassed wealth through their efforts are sometimes labelled scornful names such as madyavhathu (cannibals) and keepers of maḓuxwane (zombies). Ultimately, the use of derogatory language affects people socially and psychologically.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines data from advice-giving in Tshivenda relating to pragmatic theorist's argument that every human interaction, to a large extent carries with it an element of threatening to one or both participant's face. The speech act of politeness has been identified as one of the most effective speech acts to be employed in giving as well as soliciting advice. Every speech acts is influenced by contextual, cultural and many other background factors associated to age, gender and rank which contribute towards how a speech is composed. The issues relating to the theory of politeness prompted this study on the extent to which politeness plays a role in giving advice in an educational context of Tshivenda speaking learners. The study has employed Brown and Levinson's theory of politeness as a universal phenomenon against the findings of my data, in that universality of these theorists does not quite fit with this study. In this study, politeness in Tshivenda school context has demonstrated that it has been employed as a strategy for encoding distance between speaker and the solicitor. The purpose of advising teachers and students through politeness behavior is to mitigate face and to create a favourable context anticipated by the solicitor. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek data van adviesgewing in Tshivenda in verband tot die pragmatiekteoretikus se argument dat elke menslike interaksie tot 'n groot mate daarmee saamdra 'n element van bedreiging vir een of beide deelnemers se gesig ('face'). Die spraakhandeling van beleefdheid is geïdentifiseer as een van die mees effektiewe spraakhandelinge wat gebruik word in die gee en vra van advies. Elke spraakhandeling word beïnvloed deur kontekstuele kulturele en talle ander agtergrondfaktore wat verband hou met ouderdom, gender, en rang, wat bydra tot die kernposisie van die spraakhandeling. Die vraagstukke rakende die teorie van beleefdheid het hierdie studie gemotiveer, wat handelaar die mate waartoe beleefdheid 'n rol speel in adviesgewing in Tshivenda in opvoedkundige kontekste deur leerders. Die studie het Brown en Levinson se teorie van beleefdheid aangewend en geevalueer teenoor die bevindinge van die data van Tshivenda. Daar is bevind dat die universaliteits-aansprake van Brown en Levinson nie volledig strook met die data uit Tshivenda nie. In hierdie studie, het beleefdheid in Tshivenda in skoolkontekste gedemonstreer dat dit ingespan word om afstand te kodeer tussen spreker en hoorder. Die doel van adviesgewing aan onderwysers en leerders deur beleefdheidsgedrag is om gesig te verminder en om 'n gunstige konteks te skep, soos geantisipeer deur die adviesvraer.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: An apology in Tshivenda is offered when an individual has violated a social norm or want to restore any form of a complainable. When it is given, it serves as a remedial work, designed to smooth over any social disruption that was caused. Sometimes a person who is suppose to apologize may find reasons to minimize the degree of the offence. If the offence in question is big, a verbal apology may be insufficient to restore the damaged relationship. Male and female learners commit a lot of offences towards each other at school and they are obliged to apologize for such offences. In the process of apologizing, they are faced with a wide choice of strategies to choose from. In most cases, male learners have a tendency of giving an explanation to their offences. They do not always seek for a direct apology. Inthe acceptance of their offences, they opt for longer strategies to apologize. Males seem to be either proud or shy to ask for an apology from females. Female learners on the other hand, do not want to use longer strategies to apologize, but they ask for forgiveness immediately. It is not all the males who do not want to apologize directly to females, but there are others who apologize directly. They are the ones who take females as their equals and they also want to maintain a good relationship with them. The same applies with females, a minimal number of them use longer strategies to apologize. They do not use direct strategies. There are other strategies also useful in Tshivenda male and female learners, but their use is not so popular. Strategies like explicit acceptance of the blame and expression of self-deficiency are considered the least of other ones. An apology is usually influenced by the way the complainant shows his or her dissatisfaction. Male and female learners also differ with the way they complain. They use complaint strategies differently. Both male and female learners use direct accusation and indirect accusation extensively. But the difference comes by the fact that females are longer with their complaints than males. Females show their annoyance by involving more complaint strategies. Males do not take long to complain, they involve only a few strategies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Verskoning in Tshivenda word aangebied in geval waar 'n individu 'n sosiale reeloortree het. Wanneer dit aangebied word, dien dit as 'n remedie ontwerp om die sosiale onderbreking wat ontstaan het reg te siel. Soms sal die persoon wat veronderstel is om 'n verskoning aan te bied redes vind om die graad van die sosiale oortreding te probeer verminder. ln geval waar die oortreding as baie groot beskou word waar' n mondelingse verskoning nie genoegsaam wees om die verhouding weer te herstel nie. Manne en vrou skoliere behaan heelwat sosiale oortreding teenoor mekaar by die skool en is oorplig om verskoning aan te bied vir sulke oortredings. Tydens die proses van verskoning aanbied word die skoliere gekonfronteer met verskeie opsies om van te kies. Manlike skoliere het die manier om verkonings en verduidelikings te gee vir hulle oortredings. Hulle sal nie 'n direkte apologie aanbied nie. lndien hulle aanvaar dat hulle verkeerd was, sal hul die opsie om hulle verduidelikings te gee as strategie gebruik. Manspersone bly te trots en skaam te wees om 'n apologie te vra van dames. Dames weer vra makliker en direk om verskoning. Hierdie beginstel van om verskoning vra geld nie ten opsigte van alle skoliere nie. Sommiges sal direk apologie aanbied. Ander aanvaar vroulike skoliere as hul gelykes en probeer om 'n gesonde verhouding te handhaf Dieselfde beginsel geld tot vroulike skoliere van hulle sal lang verduidelikings aanbied as 'n strategie deur om verskoning te vra: Hulle vra nie direk om verskoning nie. Daar is ook ander strategiee in gebruiklike in Tshivenda deur manlik sowel as vroulike skoliere, maar is nie populer in gebruik nie. Strategiee soos die duidelike aanvaarding van skuld en die uitdrukking van selfbeskulding word beskou as die minste gebruiklike opsie. 'n Verskoning word beinvloed deur die manier waarop die klaer sy ofhaar misnoe wys of uitspreek. Manlike sowel as vroulike leerders versoek ook in metodiek hoe hulle kla. Hulle maak gebruik van 'n kla strategie wat verskillend is van mekaar. Beide geslagte maak gebruik van direk sowel as indirek beskuldigings. Die verskil egter is by vroulik klaers aangesien hul klagte langer duur as hul manlike ewe nie. Vroulike klaers wys hul woede of ongelukkigheid deur meer klagte strategie te betree. Mans daarom teen neem nie lang om te kla nie en behels net a paar strategiee.