Thesis (M.A.)--Simon Greenleaf School of Law, 1985. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 192-196).

Thesis (M.Phil.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 82-85). Also available in electronic version.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Carleton University, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-119). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (M.Phil.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 47-50). Also available in electronic version.

The aim of the research is to identify implications for the practice of Politics academics from the experience their students have of expressing their political views. This exploratory study is set within the wider debate of power and performativity in the HE classroom. It is situated in a study of practice and perceptions in one Department at the University of Chester and conducted through a review of the literature and empirical qualitative research with both Politics students and Politics academics. The research found that while Politics students wish to express their political views, these may not be their actual political views. Politics students indicate that the Politics academic can affect their expression of political views. They prefer academics who express their own political views and they do not like politically neutral academics. They may wish to know an academic’s political views in order to gain advantage for themselves. Knowing an academic’s political views enables the student to avoid expressing political views which some Politics academics find offensive. The research highlights the part played by power and performativity in the expressing of the Politics student’s political views and identifies some of the complexities arising from this. The practice outcomes provide guidance on how Politics academics can approach the issue of the Politics student’s expression of political views. This single case study’s value lies in these contributions to wider practice. Research is identified which will explore the findings further.

Pierre Elliott Trudeau's ideas on liberal democracy and political philosophy are relevant to Canadian life. He is a modern liberal democrat with a vision of the 'Good' society - what he terms the Just Society. The values of a Just Society are numerous, but perhaps, the most important are freedom, equality, and tolerance. These values are core to his theory and are often revealed in his battle against nationalism. Trudeau is radically opposed to notions of ethnic nationalism, such as French Canadian and Aboriginal nationalism, but he supports a type of civic nationalism within a federal, pluralistic system. In his dislike for nationalism, Trudeau is similar to Lord Acton, who has had a major influence on his work. Trudeau also shows thought similar to John Locke, J.S. Mill, I. Berlin, de Tocqueville, Publius, and John Rawls. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Research has consistently highlighted the short term and familial difficulties (Munn, 2000), long term difficulties (SEU 1998) and the financial costs to society (Parsons, 2011) resulting from the permanent exclusion of young people from education. Key legislative changes and government publications (DCSF 2004; 2005 & 2010) have repeatedly recommended the use of managed transfers as an alternative to permanent exclusion, yet there is very little research evidence to support this. National and local exclusions statistics suggest that the implementation of managed transfers has contributed to a reduction of the numbers of young people being permanently excluded from school, but does this statistical phenomenon equate to an increase in the inclusion of young people? This research aims to explore the experiences of young people, their families and professionals working within the managed transfer system, to address the research question What are different stakeholders’ experiences of the managed transfer process?Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) was core to the design of the study and was used to analyse individual interviews from five young people and five parents, and focus group data from eight professionals working in mainstream settings, all of whom had experienced at least one managed transfer in the same local authority. Individual analysis of pupils’ experiences raised superordinate themes relating to relationships, control, identity, rejection and education. Individual analysis of parents’ experiences produced themes relating to relationships, agendas, control, pupil identity, flexibility, communication, acceptance, education and statementing. Analysis of focus group data relating to professionals’ experiences of managed transfers, produced themes around cognitive dissonance, relationships, agendas, exclusion/inclusion, motivation and feelings of failure. A deeper level of analysis, including all stakeholder experiences, produced two global superordinate themes; cognitive dissonance and relationships. The theme cognitive dissonance represented the behaviours that participants engaged in to reduce conflict, often between their own beliefs and the beliefs or actions relating to the managed transfer. Although this theme encompassed many of the earlier themes, the behaviours and mechanisms employed by different individuals to reduce dissonance differed, as did the cause of conflict causing the dissonance. Relationships were highlighted by nearly all of the participants, but different relationships were valued by different individuals and at different stages during the managed transfer process. Despite the initial similarities across the experiences, this research highlights the individuals’ sense making activities in relation to this complex social phenomenon and drew many parallels to research with young people and their families whom had experienced permanent exclusions from school. This research concludes with some overarching recommendations to improve the experiences of all stakeholders, not by applying a stringent set of rules or procedures, but through the development of a shared ethos and rationale, with greater inclusion of all stakeholders, allowing for processes to be flexibly applied and reasonable adjustments to be made in response to individual need, making inclusion central to the transfer rather than focusing on top down processes.

Chang Chün-mai, known in the West as Carsun Chang, played a prominent role on the political stage of wartime China. As educator, philosopher, and politician, he vainly attempted to alter the course of China's political and cultural development. Although commonly referred to as a liberal-democrat, this study shows Chang to be more of a traditionally-minded conservative. Masked by the heavy use of a liberal-democratic vocabulary, Chang maintained a firm commitment to principles that owed much more to conservative Chinese tradition than to Western liberalism. The fact that Chang Chün-mai did rely so heavily on liberal-democratic arguments and came to be known by some as the Father of the Constitution tends to cloud his real intent. It is argued here that his efforts to bring a Western-style constitution to China can better be understood by recognizing two major points: first, Chang, as well as many others, used the constitutional issue in an attempt to force Chiang Kai-shek to share political power; and, secondly, the constitutional issue provided Chang with the conceptual and institutional vehicle for rebuilding the socio-political relationships between the various elements of Chinese society which had existed before the Republic. Within the latter goal, Chang also souqht to create a position of influence and prestige for the class of intellectuals of which he was a part. This study explores one dimension of Chinese conservatism. It shows Chang Chün-mai as a neo-traditionalist whose behaviour was guided and limited by his image of the Chinese cultural tradition--limitations which significantly contributed to his failure. Examining Chang's actions in wartime China sheds more light on the reasons for the failure of the so-called "third force" elements that stood between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party. Chang held himself aloof from the great mass of his fellow countrymen, he championed a political position which failed to offer a clear alternative to the authoritarian government of Chiang Kai-shek, and his philosophical and conservative viewpoint prevented him from carrying his political opposition to a point which seriously challenged Chiang Kai-shek. Although this study does conclude that Chang's idealized image of the Confucian gentleman (chün-tzu) acted as a handicap in the political milieu of wartime China, it confines that conclusion to a given time and place, and under particular circumstances. It emphatically does not purport to discount the viability or appropriateness of traditional Chinese values in the modern world, or with some form of democratic system. Far from exhaustive, this study is, at best, partial. It is meant to explore a dimension of the Chinese effort to reconcile themselves and their culture with a changing environment. Source materials are limited and not without inconsistencies. A major drawback is that much of the Chinese-language material concerning Chang Chün-mai is lauditory in nature and biased in his favor. If time permitted, a more thorough study of the personal accounts of other actors involved would no doubt yield a more balanced picture. Further, the circumstances under which much of the wartime materials were written required a good deal of circumspection on the part of the writers, and therefore, requires a good deal of "reading between the lines" by the modern reader. I have tried to keep my conclusions reasonable without imparting my own ideas to a difficult translation. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

With their cumbersome equipment and refractory technology, professional photographers recorded pioneering development in British Columbia almost from the beginning of white settlement. This study examines landscape photographs taken during the thirty year period between the beginning of the Fraser River gold rush and the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway. It comments on the nature and meaning of the photographs and suggests their relevance to an understanding of land and life in early British Columbia. Photography in early British Columbia was almost exclusively the work of professionals whose success rested upon their sensitivity to the market. For this reason, their work is to some extent a mirror of early British Columbians' sense of themselves in a new place. Nineteenth century landscape photographers focused on the wagon road and later the railroad, on gold mining and on settlement. The early forest industry attracted far less attention than the gold rush and though fishing and farming had begun, they were seldom photographed. Picnics, regattas and other leisure activities were recorded, particular in Victoria and New Westminster and more frequently in the 1880's. Spectacular physical landscapes dominate the photographic record of wilderness; microscale nature studies are singularly absent. The attention to extreme symbols of progress in the photographic record of early British Columbia is understandable. The recency and rapidity of development had made material advance a common and concrete reality, and British Columbians wanted a record of their achievement. Some colonials brought with them conservative ideas of home and society based upon British traditions and Victorian taste. Photographs of elegant surroundings and genteel pastimes confirmed that they had created a civilized society and an ordered landscape in an isolated corner of Empire. In the wider context, the photographic record of early British Columbia shares elements with other areas of frontier development and British colonization. However, it exhibits a distinctiveness which is attributable as much to the mix of landscape images in the British Columbia setting as to the images themselves. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

This study explores the willingness of Indian parents to allow their daughters to pursue tertiary education and careers. This study firstly focused on how women who pursued tertiary education and careers were perceived by family and the Indian community when parents were growing up. Secondly, the study underscored the willingness of parents these days to allow their daughters to pursue tertiary education and careers. A qualitative research approach, using in-depth, semi-structured life-story interviews was used in the study to gain a deeper understanding of the factors that resulted in the development of certain perceptions towards women who pursued tertiary education and careers in the parents’ youth. Content analysis was used to analyse the data. A pilot study using purposive and snowball sampling was conducted using seven (7) sets of Muslim and Hindu parents. Thereafter, further questions were generated for the main study, where thirteen (13) sets of both Muslim and Hindu parents were interviewed. The results of the study indicate that the attitude towards women pursuing tertiary education and careers has evolved over time. Parents are these days more willing to allow their daughters to pursue tertiary education and careers. In the past women had not been encouraged to study and work. However, this perception has changed today. There is a great demand for Indian women in the workplace and many Indian women are enrolling every year at different universities to pursue tertiary education. The South African laws support women empowerment and education and, as a whole, many contributions in the country are made by women. / Dissertation (MCom)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Human Resource Management / unrestricted