This study examines the changing perceptions of Anzac Day in New Zealand, Australia and Turkey in the twentieth century. Changing interpretations of Anzac Day reflect social and political changes in the nations over that time. Anzac Day is an annual commemoration which has profound significance in the Australian and New Zealand social landscape. It has undergone significant changes of meaning since it began, and may be regarded as being an example of the changeable script of memory. The thesis argues that memory and landscape intersect to influence the way commemorative gestures are interpreted. Personal and community memories are fluid, influenced by the current historical landscape. This means that each successive Anzac Day can have different connotations. The public perception of these connotations is traced for each of New Zealand, Australia and Turkey. Anzac Day reflects the forces at work in the current historical landscape. Within that landscape it has different meanings and also functions as an arena for individual and community agency. On Anzac Day there are parades and services which constitute a public theatre where communities validate military service. Individual and communal feats are held high and an ethic or myth is placed as a model within the social fabric. Anzac Day is contested and reflects tides of opinion about war and society and the role of women. It is also the locale of quiet, personal contemplation, where central family attachments to the loved and lost and the debt owed by civilian communities to the military are expressed. Generational change has redefined its meanings and functions. Anzac Day was shaped in a contemporary historical landscape. It reflected multi-national perspectives within British Empire and Commonwealth countries and Turkey. For Turkey the day represented a developing friendship with former foes and was couched within Onsekiz Mart Zaferi, a celebration of the Çanakkale Savaşlari 1915 victory in the Dardanelles campaign. As Anzac Day evolved, Turkey, the host country for New Zealand and Australian pilgrims, became the focus of world attention on the day. Gallipoli is now universally recognised as the international shrine for Anzac Day.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Political Science, June 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2007 / Pacific Islands Studies

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Syracuse University, 2008. / "Publication number: AAT 3323050."

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2006. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 108-122).

Whether in terms of political and military threats or economic and demographic growth, this thesis argues that Rhode Island’s involvement in this period of imperial warfare was characterized by self-interest on a variety of levels. The government’s military plans, the expansion of provincial power, attempts to raise expeditionary forces, the use of privateers, and the indirect participation of non-combatants all depict a colonial society very interested in its own local political and economic interests. Although literally “provincial,” these interests exhibit the Atlantic and global networks that the smallest of the New England colonies was situated in. These two different sets of concerns, the political and economic, sometimes clashed and at other times combined as politicians, merchants, sailors, soldiers, and citizens participated in the dual conflicts. The War of Jenkins’ Ear and King George’s War may have been imperial in origin, but personal and colonial interests were paramount to regional New England and imperial British concerns.

This thesis explores the conditions under which mass rapes are more likely to be incorporated into the strategy of military or paramilitary groups during periods of conflict. I examine three societies, Rwanda , the former Yugoslavia , and Cambodia in a comparative analysis. To determine what characteristics make societies more likely to engage in rape as a military tool, I look at the status of women in the society, the religious cultures, the degree of female integration into the military institutions, the cause of the conflicts, the history of the conflict, and finally, the status of minority ethnic groups in each of these societies.

Chan, Sze Man. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 167-172). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.I / List of Illustrations --- p.IV / Acknowledgements --- p.V / "Introduction ""Regarding the Pain of Others"": War as Spectacle today" --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 1 --- "From ""We Bombed in New Haven"" to bombing our new ""haven"": Joseph Heller's War Play of Metatheatre against Spectators" --- p.27 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- "From ""Society of Spectacle"" to Society of Impotence: Tim O'Brien's War Novels of Affect against Spectator-readers" --- p.56 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- "The War Photographer as the exemplary Spectator in disguise: False ""Witness"" of the Photographic Eye" --- p.104 / Conclusion --- p.150 / Endnotes --- p.157 / Bibliography --- p.167

The Finnish War 1808-1809 started in February 1808 by a Russian attack on Finland and ended by the peace treaty of Fredrikshamn in September 1809. The peace meant the dissolution of the six-hundred-year old Swedish-Finnish realm. The Finnish War 1808-09 was fought in the poor and isolated areas of the north of Sweden and Finland. This thesis deals with the preconditions for the supply of an army and warfare in the northern parts of Finland and Sweden in the period 1808 – 1809. The problems of the supply service and the role of local civilian society within the military supply system are the focus of attention. The thesis aims at posing new questions as well as supplying a new perspective on the nature of warfare at this period of time. A modified picture of the Finnish War of 1808-1809 will also be presented. Three areas of problems are addressed: 1) The resources in the war zone, war plans and supply organization; 2) Logistical problems; 3) The role of civilian society as a resource within the military supply system. Both the Swedish Army and the Russian Army are examined. Geographically the scope of the thesis is restricted to three counties in northern Sweden and Finland, namely Västerbotten in Sweden, Oulu and Vaasa in Finland. The most significant findings of this thesis are that the preconditions for supply during the Finnish War 1808-1809 are to a large extent equal to the ability and the will of the local population to offer provisions and render services. It can also be shown that supply was instrumental in the warfare during certain critical periods, especially in the summer of 1808. The difference between the Russian and the Swedish supply systems is to a large extent indicative of the outcome of the war. The Russian decentralized supply system proved more flexible than the Swedish did, despite an apparently superior organization of the latter. Additionally, it is an important realization that supply as a key factor in warfare is not made up of just delivery of food stuff and forage but also comprises vital functions like grinding of flour and baking of bread. From a European perspective the issue of supply proves to be a difficult one in Finland as well as in other peripheral states, e.g. Spain. When the local resources are sparse a supply system based on storage is required on the one hand and systematic co-operation with the local population on the other. Keywords: The Finnish War 1808-09, logistics, war and society, war, supplies, military supply system, artels, farmers, civilian administration, burghers, Sweden and the Napoleonic Wars. / digitalisering@umu

This research examined a model of authoritarian personality development within people from Aceh, the province in Indonesia that has been in political conflict since 1976. A number of measures were administered online using InQsit BSU software. These measures assessed bad wartime experiences (BE), social identification with Aceh, social conformity, a worldview of social threat, social uncertainty, chronic anger rumination, individualist-collectivist cultural orientation, and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). 215 Achenese citizens between 18 to 57 years of age served as participants. The results showed that participants were clearly collectivists. As predicted, regression analyses demonstrated that BE correlated positively with social threat, when threat was measured at a societal level [i.e., Belief in a Dangerous World (BDW)]. The relationship of BEBDW was completely mediated by social identification. Also as predicted, a strong and positive correlation was found between BDW-RWA. A hypothesis concerning anger rumination was not supported. Anger rumination did not mediate the relationship between BDW-RWA or between Uncertainty-RWA. Interestingly, the relationship between rumination and RWA was in a negative direction. The present study replicated work by Duckitt (2002), and extended that work by examining the mediational role of both Social Identification and BDW in the Conformity-RWA relationship. Another new finding is that cultural orientation (especially vertical collectivism) contributed to RWA in much the same way as social conformity. The limitations of this study are discussed and suggestions for future research are presented. / Department of Psychological Science