James Brownlee was born in April 1824. He was the second of three sons (and five daughters) born to the missionary John Brownlee, and his colonial born wife Catharine. The importance of James as an historical character is obscured by that of his father and elder brother Charles. James had a varied career which was cut short by his untimely death in March 1851 at the youthful age of twenty-six years and eleven months. We are fortunate that he has left a vivid account of several aspects of the seventh Frontier War in a diary which he kept from April to September 1846. The diary also points to the significance of his family in the history of the Eastern Cape. Thesis, p. 1.

[From Introduction]. The name of John Fairbairn is remembered with honour in South Africa for the part he played in the achievement of a freer press in the Cape Colony, in the campaign to prevent Britain from establishing a convict station on Cape soil, and in the movement which resulted in the establishment of a form of representative government in the Cape in 1853. More controversial is his share, as the editor of the first modern newspaper in the Colony, in a campaign to secure just treatment for the natives both inside and outside of the Colony. It is with his treatment of the conflicts, both small and great, between the Colony and the AmaXhosa tribes on its Eastern Frontier that this study is concerned.

Personnage de l'entre-deux mettant à mal les frontières communément admises entre l'enfance et l'âge adulte, entre la puissance et la vulnérabilité, entre la victime et le bourreau, l'enfant-soldat est une figure marquante de notre contemporanéité. Il n'est donc guère étonnant de le voir devenir un personnage littéraire. Cette étude a cherché à déterminer, dans une approche comparatiste, quel traitement les oeuvres littéraires réservaient à ce personnage et la manière dont elles en faisaient une figure singulière. Loin de simplement reprendre un répertoire exogène de significations et prolonger la figure médiatique de l'enfant-soldat, loin de miser uniquement sur la violence de son hybridité, les romans africains anglophones et francophones construisent une figure de témoin. Ce que l'étude a souhaité rendre visible, ce sont alors les visions tant historiographiques, éthiques que politiques que porte l'enfant-soldat témoin des guerres civiles africaines / As an in-between character questioning the usually admitted borders between childhood and adulthood, power and vulnerability, victim and executioner, the child soldier is a gripping figure of our contemporaneity. It is thus not surprising he became a literary character. In a comparative approach, this study has sought to determine the literary works treatment of this character and how they turn it into a singular figure. Far from simply resorting to an exogenous list of significations and extending the media figure of the child soldier, far from only focusing on the violence of its hybridity, English and French African novels build a figure of a witness. This study has therefore been interested in revealing the historiographicalas well as the ethical and political visions of the child soldier who experiences African civil wars

Pendant plus de vingt ans (1543-1565), Jean de Bretagne, duc d’Étampes est à la tête de la Bretagne en tant que gouverneur de la province. Héritier des comtes de Penthièvre, eux mêmes issus des ducs de Bretagne, il devient un fidèle serviteur des Valois à qui il doit tous ses honneurs. Des sources renouvelées, tant épistolaires qu’administratives, permettent de cerner les contours du métier de gouverneur, dans une province en voie d’intégration au royaume de France, entre le règne de François Ier et les premières guerres de Religion. Si le rôle de défense armée en zone frontalière, est central, il est loin d’être le seul. Au quotidien, le gouverneur de Bretagne est impliqué dans des domaines très variés. Surtout, il est facteur d’union entre la province et le souverain-suzerain. Relais mais aussi intercesseur, le gouverneur est assurément un acteur politique de premier ordre dans une province dont il est le premier gentilhomme. Analyser ses réseaux, cerner son influence, mesurer son pouvoir permet de mieux appréhender le rôle d’un type de serviteur du roi souvent mal compris, voire mal jugé, par l’historiographie. / For more than twenty years (1543-1565), Jean de Bretagne, duke of Étampes, governs Brittany as King’s governor and lieutenant. Heir of the Counts of Penthièvre, he became a faithful servant of the Valois to whom he owed each one of his honors. Some renewed sources, both epistolary and administrative, make it possible to seize the profession ofprovincial governor in the process of integration to the kingdom of France, between the reign of Francis I and the first wars of Religion. If the armed defense role of a reputed border province is central, the governor deals with many other problems on a daily basis. Above all else, he is supposed to be the link between the province and the king. Broker but also intercessor, the governor is undoubtedly a preeminent political actor in the province. First gentleman of the province, all his networks, influences and powers must be analyzed as a whole to better understand the daily life of a type of royal servant often misjudged and misunderstood by historiography.

In the investigation of the Diary and its validity as evidence, the origin and structure of the treaty System, and the functioning of the treaties, in both their original form and subsequent modification, has been examined, with special reference to Stretch and the Gaika tribes.

The purpose of this thesis was to investigate the principal challenges to royal authority and the means by which royal authority was maintained in France during the first War of Religion (1561-1563). The latter half of the sixteenth century was a critical period for the French monarchy. Great noble families attempted to re-establish their feudal power at the expense of the crown. Francis II and Charles IX, kings who were merely boys, succeeded strong monarchs on the throne. The kingdom was impoverished by foreign wars and overrun by veteran soldiers, ill-absorbed into civil life. Calvinism spread rapidly and became not only a religious but a political movement drawing ideological and organizational support from Geneva. The powerful Hapsburg monarch, Philip II, watched affairs in France with a suspicious eye and frequently manipulated matters affecting the French court. Not only were his border territories in the Pyrenees threatened but the Spanish king rightly feared that religious division in France would have repercussions in his rich low country territories. The province of Guyenne was chosen as a setting for this study because it was the province of the first prince of the blood, it was close to the Spanish kingdom, it had a history of concern for local prerogatives, and it had a large number of Huguenot believers and congregations. Not least among the reasons for choosing Guyenne in which to study royal government was the availability of abundant documentary sources. This thesis is based primarily upon the examination of memoirs and correspondence. Most important of the memoirs are those of Blaise de Monluc, lieutenant-general of Guyenne. The critical edition of these together with a biography and a study of the historical accuracy and significance of Monluc Commentaires have been prepared by Professor Paul Courteault. Among the documents available is the extensive correspondence of Catherine de Medicis, the letters of Antoine de Bourbon, those of Monluc, and many letters of Charles IX and of provincial officers. Royal government in France was not based on a financial, administrative or military foundation adequate for the king to force his will upon his subjects. Interest groups allied to the king had popularized an ideology of royal authority which served royal interests. Personal contact with his subjects, especially with the nobility enhanced royal authority. The basis of royal government, however, was the goodwill and co-operation of individuals in positions of influence. King Charles IX and Catherine de Medicis, the queen mother, constantly sought to gain and maintain such goodwill and support. They granted offices and honours which carried with them the opportunity of professional advancement and personal enrichment. An extensive correspondence tended to maintain their knowledge of affairs throughout the kingdom and their influence over their subjects. Nevertheless they had to balance individual noble against noble, faction against faction, Parlement against governor in constant negotiation to maintain royal authority. The identification of the personnel who represented the king in Guyenne reveals ways in which provincial resources could be mobilized for the crown and against the crown. In a period of civil war the military organization of the royal army within the province was of critical importance particularly when the army was largely local. Local notables appointed officers, recruited soldiers and commanded the forces. Just as important to the crown were the financial institutions of the province. As with the military institutions, it is essential to determine the ways in which those institutions facilitated royal government and the ways in which they could be made to serve the particular interests of individuals and groups other than the crown. The designation "absolute" as applied to the sixteenth-century French monarchy must be somewhat qualified as a result of an examination of the functioning of local and provincial institutions: voluntary (leagues), representative (Estates) and appointed (Parlement). It is to the nature of that monarchy that the present study is addressed. The province of Guyenne and the first years of civil war provide the historical setting. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The graduation thesis describes some problems of Africa in last 50 years and it pays special attention to the case of Rwanda. It contains also a short history of the african continent as the roots of many conflits have originated hundreds of years ago. It concretely describes 6 african countries: Somalia, Sierra Leone, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Uganda and a special chapter is dedicated to the civil war and genocide in Rwanda.

In the decade of the 1990’s, people started to foresee a dark future wherein wars over the precious resource water would be a reality. This was to be called the water wars thesis and implied that countries would go to war to safeguard their own access to water. This sparked a debate over the legitimacy of the thesis. Although, even in 2018 the debate lives on and the water wars thesis still prevails as a quite influential thesis in media and on policymakers table. Therefore, an intriguing question arises as to why and how the thesis survives even when met with empirical data pointing to the other direction, cooperation. This research paper is examining this intriguing question by adopting a qualitative content analysis approach together with an analytical framework called narrative policy analysis. This framework seeks to explain complex policy issues such as the water wars thesis by examining the policy narratives behind them. Therefore, this will be used to examine documents and publication with the aim to observe policy narratives within the debate that may assist in explaining the prevalence of the water wars thesis. Thus, this research paper indicates that the prevalence of the water wars thesis may have roots in how the different positions portray the issue of water wars. Hence, this study has also indicated a divergence in what system beliefs the positions take.

Cette thèse vise à contribuer aux récents débats sur les avantages potentiels de l'ouverture commerciale entre les pays Africains. Elle le fait en abordant la triptyque Accords Régionaux de Commerce(ACRs), bien-être et conflits.Le continent Africain fait face aujourd’hui à deux enjeux majeurs de gouvernance : l’intégration régionale et la gestion des conflits armés. En effet, les performances commerciales des pays africains restent toujours marginales comparativement au reste du monde. Et ce, malgré les différentes politiques commerciales mises en œuvre depuis les années 70 (politique d'import-substitution, accord régional nord-sud, etc.…). Parmi ces politiques commerciales, les gouvernements Africains ont décidé de privilégier les accords régionaux en vu d’accroître le commerce entre les pays membres. Ces accords ont-ils eu l'effet escompté ? Dans quelle mesure ?Si on se réfère au point de vue largement partagé, la réponse semble être négative. Cependant cette réponse ignore les bénéfices politiques potentiels de l'ouverture commerciale. A ce titre, le travail présenté ici étudie l'effet des accords régionaux africains sur le commerce et le bien-être. Cela en utilisant les derniers développements de la théorie du commerce international ainsi que les meilleures techniques d'estimations des équations de gravité. Deuxièmement, Nous analysons l'effet de l'augmentation du commerce sur la probabilité de survenance d'une guerre civile à la fois de façon théorique et empirique. Les résultats obtenus, nous permettent de conclure que sans la signature des ACRs, près de la moitié des échanges entre leurs membres n'auraient pas été réalisé. D'autre part, cette thèse affirme que le commerce, à la fois domestique et international permet de diminuer le risque de conflit civil en Afrique. / This thesis aims to contribute to recent debates on the potential benefits of trade openness among African countries. This, by addressing the triptych regional trade agreements, welfare and conflict.The African continent is currently facing two major governance challenges: regional integration and the management of armed conflicts. Indeed, the trade performance of African countries remains marginal compared to the rest of the world. This is despite the different trade policies implemented since the 1970s (import substitution policy, North-South regional agreement, etc.). Among these trade policies, African governments have decided to focus on regional agreements in order to increase trade among member countries. Have these agreements had the expected effect ? To what extent ?If we refer to popular belief, the answer seems to be no. However, this answer ignores the potential political benefits of trade openness. As such, the work presented here first examines the effect of African regional agreements on trade and welfare. This is done using the latest developments in international trade theory and the best techniques for estimating gravity equations. Second, we analyze both theoretically and empirically the effect of increased trade on the probability of a civil war occurring. The results obtained allow us to conclude, on the one hand, that nearly half of the trade between members of trade agreements in Africa would not have been possible without the signing of the RTAs. On the other hand, both domestic and international trade, reduces the risk of civil conflict in Africa.

Detta är en kvalitativ innehållsanalys av de kritiska positionerna kring den kontroversiella filmen Star Wars Episode VIII: The Last Jedi. Den innehåller en omfattande överblick om hur Star Wars kritiserats förr och nu för att sätta perspektiv på ämnet, samt information om hur fans och så kallade ”fandoms” ibland fungerar som ett ”hivemind” när det kommer till tyckande och organisering på nätets sajter och forum.