The purpose of this study has been to analyze the effect of market regulation in the broiler industry in British Columbia and Washington State by comparing and contrasting the structure, conduct and performance of two institutions established to provide a degree of organization by producers in the marketing of broiler chickens. The two institutions studied have been the B.C. Broiler Marketing Board, in the province of British Columbia, Canada and the Washington Fryer Commission, in the state of Washington, United States of America. An analysis of the structure and conduct of the B.C. Broiler Marketing Board and the Washington Fryer Commission has been presented. An objectives model for organized marketing in the agricultural sector has been proposed, and from this model criteria have been chosen upon which to evaluate the market performance of the two structures with respect to organized marketing. It has been observed that the powers held by the B.C. Broiler Marketing Board are far more extensive than those held by the Washington Fryer Commission. It has been further observed that the performance of the B.C. Broiler Marketing Board has been primarily restrictive in nature and has had serious negative effects on the market environment for broiler chickens in British Columbia. The performance of the Washington Fryer Commission has been supportive in nature, and has had a positive effect on the market environment for broiler chickens in Washington State. In analysing the two approachs to organized marketing in the broiler industry, it has been concluded that the vesting of powerful tools of market regulation with primary producer groups (whose interests are narrowly defined) leads to inefficiencies in production and marketing which have serious effects on the industry as a whole. / Land and Food Systems, Faculty of / Graduate

Although not as important as timber, the coal mining industry did play a significant role in Washington's economic development of the 1880's. But coal mining was not an easy business in which to make a profit. The product itself was medicore; costs were high, and competition was stiff. The leading independent coal company, the Oregon Improvement Company (OIC), suffered from continual financial problems and was hampered by poor management. To reduce costs the OIC emphasized the factor of production that appeared to be easiest to control — labor. Like all Washington coal operators, the OIC officers were opposed to labor organizations, which they believed both increased costs and interferred with a company's right to conduct its business. The nature of coal mining and the structure of mining towns made conflict almost inevitable between a company and its employees. The mine workers quickly learned that organization was not only essential to protect their interests in an irregular and dangerous industry, but also to counteract the overwhelming influence of the company. When Knights of Labor organizers appeared in Washington in the early 1880's, they were enthusiastically received by the mine workers, and local assemblies of the Knights were established throughout Washington's mining regions. A company like the OIC wanted to mine coal efficiently and economically without any interference from employees or labor organizations. In order to inhibit the influence of organized labor the OIC encouraged faction among its employees, with the intent of keeping the workers divided and quarreling among themselves. To the OIC officers it appeared that the workers could be permanently divided along racial lines. Their experience with placing low-paid Chinese workers in the mines had shown them that their white-employees completely accepted the prevailing racial stereotypes. Not only were the mine workers opposed to Chinese in the mines, they became leaders in the movement to expel the Chinese from Washington. Racial animosity and a fear of cheap labor prevented the mine workers from seeing what they had in common as workers with the Chinese. In this sense the Chinese laid the groundwork for the far more successful use of blacks in the mines. The first black mine workers in Washington were imported from the Midwest in 1888 by the Northern Pacific Coal Company. With the use of blacks the company broke a strike led by the Knights. In 1891 the OIC decided to follow the example of the Northern Pacific, and black workers were imported under contract to work in the OIC mines. With cheap black labor the OIC believed it could conduct its business more economically and suppress organized labor by encouraging racial hostility among the workers. The OIC's use of blacks precipitated the complete defeat of union mine workers in Washington. A national tradition of anti-Negro prejudice enhanced by the West's more virulent racism, and the minimal participation of blacks in the developing labor movement, all contributed to their successful use in the Washington mines. Racial animosity and hostility to cheap labor kept the blacks and whites divided. Initiated by the Knights, the retaliatory strike of the white mine workers failed, and mining unions disappeared from Washington for over a decade. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The systemic model posits that informal social control directly reduces crime victimization and social networks indirectly reduce crime victimization through informal social control. While empirical testing of the systemic model advanced the theory, important analytical issues remain. First, social networks are inconsistently conceptualized and measured. Second, the conceptual relationship between social networks and informal social control remains unclear. This study addresses these issues by testing an alternative to the systemic model, including new constructs and hypotheses. The goal is to develop better indicators for the model and refine the theory, rethinking and deepening the existing theory about neighborhood effects on crime victimization. The data come from the 2002-2003 Seattle Neighborhoods and Crime Survey (N=2,200). Structural equation modeling (SEM), a multivariate statistical technique, was used to analyze these data. The SEM included five latent constructs (neighboring, neighborhood and non-neighborhood social networks, collective efficacy, and crime victimization) and six social structural variables (racially homogeneous neighborhood, resident tenure, household income, family disruption, male, and non-white ethnicity). One of my 9 hypotheses was supported; the remaining hypotheses were partly supported. The results support my argument that the systemic model is too simplistic, but the relationships among the variables are not exactly as I hypothesized. The results provide insight into the complexities of the systemic model and areas for future research.

The Snoqualmie pass area lies about 50 mi (80 km) east of Seattle, Washington, along the crest of the Cascade Range. Five stratified units, forming a composite section over 22,000 ft (6700 m) thick, are recognized in the area. They were deformed and later intruded by granodiorite and quartz monzonite porphyry of the Snoqualmie batholith (middle Miocene). The oldest unit, the Denny Formation (Permian), 7000 ft (2100 m) thick, consists of interstratified basalt, andesite and dacite volcanic rocks and limestone and chert beds. This formation is unconformably overlain by a thick conformable sequence of early Tertiary strata which are subdivided, from oldest to youngest, into the Guye Formation, Mount Catherine Tuff, and Naches Formations (Paleocene to early Oligocene). The Guye Formation, 6500 ft (1980 m) thick, consists of carbonaceous mudstone, quartzofeldspathic siltstone and sandstone, and chert conglomerate. The Mount Catherine Tuff, 900 ft (274 m) thick, consists of interstratified dacitic and rhyolitic crystal-vitric welded tuff. The Naches Formation, more than 6000 ft (1830 m) thick, is composed of carbonaceous mudstone and quartzofeldspathic siltstone and sandstone with interstratified andesitic lava and pyroclastic rock. The Denny Mountain Formation, informally named, 1800 ft (550 m) thick,(Oligocene or early Miocene) overlies the Guye Formation along a major angular unconformity. This unit consists of interstratified dacitic and andesitic tuff, volcanic breccia, and intercalated andesitic lava. The rocks of all stratified formations except the Denny Mountain Formation were deformed at different times before emplacement of the Snoqualmie batholith. During batholithic emplacement, four stages of deformation are recognized: (1) development of an anticline in the Guye, Mount Catherine Tuff, and Naches Formations, (2) break-up of this anticline and downfaulting of limbs with displacements up to 2 mi (3.2 km), (3) uplift of blocks of the Denny Formation and juxtaposition of these with younger formational units, and (4) uplift of additional blocks of the Denny Formation along trends that cut obliquely across stratigraphic contacts and previous structural trends. Intrusion of the Snoqualmie granodiorite and quartz monzonite porphyry into limestone beds of the Denny Formation has formed local deposits of skarn containing principally magnetite and lesser amounts of chalcopyrite.

In order for the mentally retarded population to achieve maximum benefit from rehabilitation efforts, it is essential that a complete picture of their abilities and disabilities be obtained. Consequently, the identification of hearing loss is an integral element in any diagnostic procedure. Vancouver School District 37 has directed increased attention toward speech and language training for children in the special education classrooms for the mentally retarded; however, differential hearing diagnosis has been inadequate or totally lacking. In order to more efficiently treat this problem, it was felt that a comprehensive investigation into the incidence and types of hearing loss of this population would provide a basis for program design. To adequately survey the previous investigations in the literature it was advantageous to divide them into categories according to likeness of criteria used in defining "hearing loss." In this survey, a heterogeneous sample of 212 retarded subjects ranging in age from 6 years, 8 months to 19 years, 9 months was audiometrically tested at four frequencies: 500 Hz, 1000 Hz, 2000 Hz, and 4000 Hz. The retarded subjects encompassed MI levels I through IV on the c1assification system developed by the American Association on Mental Deficiency. Tests were administered at eight locations within the Vancouver School District 37 which offered adequate test environments. The criterion for hearing loss in this survey was a loss of 20 dB or more in two or more frequencies in either ear. The audiometric procedure used in both air and bone-conduction testing was the revised technique of Newhart and Reger (1945, revised 1956). Operant procedures were designed after Stewart (1970). Two examiners were used, and ten test scores of each correlated at approximately .93 using the Pearson Product- Moment Correlation. Thirty-eight of the 212 subjects had hearing losses of 20 dB or more in two or more frequencies in either ear. This number established an incidence of 17. 9 per cent for this population. The present data indicate, in general, that the incidence of hearing loss is greater among the more severely retarded than among the less retarded. The audiometric data depict a general trend toward a decrease in hearing loss incidence with increasing .age. Of those with hearing loss, slightly more males (53 per cent) than females (47 per cent) were represented. The pattern established by the current survey revealed a concentration of conductive losses at lower age levels and a concentration of sensori-neural losses at the higher age levels. The special education classrooms of Vancouver School District 37 reveal a three to six times greater incidence of hearing loss than among the normal classrooms of the district. The concentration of conductive losses at lower age levels leads to a recommendation that hearing levels be screened each year up to age 12.

The studio glass movement first arose in the United States in the early 1950s, and was characterized by practitioners who wanted to divorce glass from its industrial associations and promote it as a fine arts medium. This movement began in a few cities in the eastern part of the country, and in Los Angeles, but gradually emerged as an art form strongly associated with the city of Seattle and the Puget Sound region. This research studies the emergence and growth of the studio glass movement in the Puget Sound region from 1970 to 2003. It examines how glass artists and Seattle's urban elites interacted and worked separately to build the support structures and "art world" that provided learning and mentoring opportunities, workspaces, artistic validation, audience development, critical and financial support, which helped make glass a signature Puget Sound art form, and the role that artist social networks, social capital, cultural capital and cultural policy played in sustaining this community. In particular, the research seeks to explore the factors that nourish a new art form and artist community in second-tier cities that do not have the substantial cultural and economic support structures found in the "arts super cities" such as Los Angeles, New York City, and San Francisco. This study contributes to the growing literature on artist communities, and the roles played by social capital, cultural capital, urban growth coalitions and policy at different stages of community development. Results can assist policymakers in formulating policies that incorporate the arts as a form of community development.

The decade of the 1880s was a time of unprecedented development in the Pacific Northwest. Railroads were being constructed, immigration was high, lumber in demand and statehood for Washington appeared imminent. Vancouver, Washington, benefited from this prosperity. In 1888 a Portland firm built a steam powered railway from East Portland, through its real estate development, Woodlawn, to the Vancouver ferry. The success of this enterprise in aiding the sale of real estate was observed by several Vancouver men who formed the Columbia Land and Improvement Company to promote the sale of their property. The company constructed a horse drawn street railway in 1889 from Vancouver's business district north to its development in Vancouver Heights. The railway had mixed financial success and was sold to a Portland man, George B. Markle, in 1892. He electrified it and operated the line until his financial empire crumbled in the Panic of 1893. After several years of operation in the hands of a receiver, the railway ceased running in 1895, and was dismantled two years later.

Southwest Washington labor history has received little examination by scholars. Focusing mainly on Seattle, Everett, Centralia, and Spokane, historians view Southwest Washington, a traditionally conservative community, to be of little importance in the state's overall historical narrative. This thesis corrects that assumption and the omission of Southwest Washington. The failure of the unionization effort in Camas impacted organization in Pacific Northwest paper mills for nearly a decade. Although workers failed to sustain their union, the events in Camas between 1913 and 1918 present an excellent new laboratory and case study to explore the intersection of gender, labor, and politics. Despite rough edges and sometimes missing voices within the extant record of the time, this thesis suggests the potential for historians to dig deep into the archives, produce original scholarship, and tell a forgotten story. This work is also ambitious, striving to examine the role gender, labor, and leftists' politics played in the paper mill city of Camas and Washington State. Chapter one examines the first-ever strike of forty women in the Camas bag factory. Chapter two explores the organization of the mills' first union. Chapter three accounts for the rise and fall of the town's only Socialist mayor. Each of these chapters alone could be the topic of a single study and each involves a particular segment of historical scholarship. The chapters are layered and refer to each other, with layers of context added in each one. The themes of this thesis also orbit around a fight over meaning and historical memory. My research shows that during the tumultuous social, economic, and political events from 1913 to 1918 there was an active erasure and forgetting of people and events. These silencings amid a major uproar in a "labor village" partly accounts for the thinness of the archives and the haunted, subjugated quality of the memory of working peoples' activism in Camas. I suggest that labor, management, and the political establishment were all invested in a particular mythos of Camas as a "labor village." Camas was, and is, a company town and "labor village." Camas had a face-to-face quality to its social relations and members of the community felt pressure to maintain this quality, sometimes in opposition to "outside" voices. This scenario put special demands on the people involved with organizing and activism, as they functioned without the big city anonymity of Seattle or Portland. The Camas story is shorter, more concentrated, and more intimate than the stories of these large urban centers. The brief moment of change around the war strained the fraternal bonds of the town. The pain and injury of this strain in Camas were rhetorically covered and hidden. Most of the residents either never spoke of what happened or willed themselves to forget. The memory and knowledge of the events remain to this day imprisoned within their minds and town. This work intends to, after nearly a hundred years, bring back the memories and question the story told about Camas and about ourselves.

Debris flows caused by heavy rains occurred in November of 2006 on several Cascade volcanoes. Mt. Adams experienced debris flows in seven of eighteen drainages including Adams Creek, Big Muddy Creek, Lewis Creek, Little Muddy Creek, Muddy Fork, Rusk Creek and Salt Creek. Six debris flows occurred on the northeast side of the mountain. A landslide initiated one debris flow, three were initiated by heavy water flow and in channel landslides, and three were initiated by a coalescence of eroded channels (headless debris flows). Four pre-2006 debris flows were found in the Cascade Creek, Crofton Creek, Hellroaring Creek and Morrison Creek drainages. Every 2006 debris flow initiated in Quaternary glacial drift. Attributes of the drainages were investigated to determine differences between drainages with debris flows and those without. The upper basins of drainages with debris flows averaged 37% glacial coverage, 29% bedrock and 35% unconsolidated material. The upper basins of drainages without debris flows without averaged 12% glacial coverage, 63% bedrock, and 25% unconsolidated material. All of the drainages with debris flows were directly connected to a glacier, opposed to only 36% of the drainages without debris flows. Drainages with debris flows averaged 18% slopes above 33°, 10% vegetation, a gradient of 0.38, a Melton's Ruggedness Number of 0.62, an average annual rainfall of 2.16 m, and -52% glacier lost between 1904-2006. The upper basins of drainages without debris flows averaged 11% slopes above 33°, 18% vegetation, a gradient of 0.31, a MRN of 0.58, an average annual rainfall of 2.38 m, and -41% glacier lost between 1904-2006. A multiple logistic regression was performed to determine factors with highest influence on predicting the probability of a debris flow. Influencing factors were percent glacial coverage and average annual rainfall. They predicted the 2006 debris flows with an 89% accuracy rate. This model was used to produce a debris flow hazard map. Due to the number of Cascade volcanoes that experienced debris flows as a result of the November 2006 storm, data of this type could be combined from multiple mountains to construct a general Cascade Mountain debris flow hazard model.

Rock glaciers are tongue-shaped or lobate masses of rock debris which occur below cliffs and talus in many alpine regions. They are best developed in continental alpine climates where it is cold enough to preserve a core or matrix of ice within the rock mass but insufficiently snowy to produce true glaciers. Previous reports have identified and briefly described several rock glaciers in the Olympic Mountains, Washington {Long 1975a, pp. 39-41; Nebert 1984), but no detailed integrative study has been made regarding the geomorphic character, age,and distribution of these features.