Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:25:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIR - Patricia E de Oliveira.pdf: 756212 bytes, checksum: 723d4b3c3a31788351d102196af252be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-18 / The work evaluates the process that lead to the approval and establishment of the two generations of welfare reforms, considering the system as a whole, but it concentrates on the changes made in the public servers regime of social security. The analysis is understood among the years of 1995 and 2005. The first reform began with the sending to the National Congress of the Proposal of Constitutional Amendment n. 33, in March 1995. That proposal was discussed during almost the whole first government of the president Fernando Henrique Cardoso, having been approved in December 1998, and turned into the Constitutional Amendment n. 20/98. The second reform already had beginning in April 2003, in the president Luís Inácio Lula da Silva s government, when a new proposal of constitutional amendment (PEC n. 40/2003) was directed to the parliament, focused in the reform of the own public servers regime of social security, based on a diagnosis that appeared that most of the distortions still existent in the system was in that regime. That proposal was approved in December of that same year, and turned into the Amendment n. 41/20303 and, later, in the Amendment n. 47/2005. It analyzes the two reforms of the Brazilian welfare system comparatively, introducing the progresses or setbacks of each one of them, the importance of the group of the changes on the welfare, as well as the reasons that took such reforms to have ways and discussions so differentiated. Finally, it shows the points still modification pendants, the probable future stages and as the reform process in this country is inserted in the international panorama / Avalia o processo que levou à aprovação e implementação das duas gerações de reformas previdenciárias, considerando o sistema como um todo, mas concentra-se nas mudanças efetuadas no regime de previdência dos servidores públicos. A análise está compreendida entre os anos de 1995 e 2005. A primeira reforma teve início com o envio ao Congresso Nacional da Proposta de Emenda Constitucional n. 33, em março de 1995. Essa proposta foi discutida durante quase todo o primeiro governo do presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso, tendo sido aprovada em dezembro de 1998, e convertida na Emenda Constitucional n. 20/98. A segunda reforma teve início no mês de abril de 2003, já no governo do presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, quando foi encaminhada ao parlamento nova proposta de emenda constitucional (PEC n. 40/2003), focada na reforma do regime próprio de previdência dos servidores públicos, tendo por base um diagnóstico que apontava que a maior parte das distorções ainda existentes no sistema se encontrava nesse regime. Essa proposta foi aprovada em dezembro daquele mesmo ano, e convertida na Emenda n. 41/20303 e , posteriormente, na Emenda n. 47/2005. Analisa comparativamente as duas reformas do sistema previdenciário brasileiro, apresentando os avanços ou retrocessos de cada uma delas, a importância do conjunto das mudanças sobre a previdência, assim como os motivos que levaram tais reformas a ter tramitações e discussões tão diferenciadas. Por fim, mostra os pontos que ainda se encontram pendentes de modificação, as prováveis etapas futuras e como o processo de reforma no país se encaixa no panorama internacional

This thesis explores the everyday experiences with unemployment and job searching practices in a so-called work club in Northern England. A work club is a place, often a community initiative, where jobseekers who are finding it difficult to look for work independently can go to for support and assistance. These initiatives are encouraged to be set up by volunteers by the UK Department for Work and Pensions and its Jobcentre Plus and are aimed at reducing unemployment levels by helping people apply for jobs. Specifically, the thesis focuses on contemporary job searching practices and asks what Banterby SC work club, the fictional name of the field work location, can tell us about how neoliberal ideologies influence both these job searching practices as well as the way we think about the relationship between employment and citizenship. Work clubs have only received scant academic attention, and this study shows how more in-depth explorations can provide us with some valuable insights. Specifically, because doing so helps us to look beyond policy formulations, framings and imperatives to the implications of neoliberal ideologies in peoples everyday lives. The study uses an iterative inductive ethnographic approach, focusing on one single site field work location, encompassing two hundred hours of field work, during which at least 96 jobseekers have visited the premises of the work club. The study s approach to doing ethnographic fieldwork was based on viewing participant observation as hanging out ; that is, more than merely being somewhere, but rather as engaging and being active in an informal fashion, something that the flexible and unstructured nature of the field work location suited very well. Through this ethnographic, in-depth exploration, then, I do not only explore the observations and findings as offered by some of the previous scholars exploring work clubs, but also seek to connect the findings to Bourdieu s theories of symbolic power/violence as a theoretical framework, which allows us to explore the wider implications of neoliberal governmentalities imposed on jobseekers that influence their everyday practices. This study extends not only our knowledge of the lived experiences of unemployment, but also provides a contemporary insight into work clubs, and how Banterby SC work club has proven to be a valuable site of knowledge about everyday experiences with neoliberal governmentalities toward unemployment and job searching practices. It also extends the application of a symbolic power/violence lens by bringing it together with Foucault s neoliberal governmentalities. Specifically, the study argues that neoliberal governmentalities influencing job searching and unemployment practices are a form of symbolic violence. This approach helps us to problematise job searching practices at work clubs in order to argue for increased critical attention on these sites. Furthermore, the study uncovers the extent to which a welfare system gearing towards a digital by default administration disadvantages many jobseekers who are finding it difficult to work with computers and navigate the internet. The study also addresses and explores to what extent compliance with symbolic power/violence is also shared by staff and volunteers of third sector organisations whose main goal it is to alleviate the burden of unemployment by assisting jobseekers to fulfil their job searching obligations as asked of them by the Department for Work and Pensions and the Jobcentre Plus. Finally, the study calls for more beneficiary-centred voluntary sector research, and proposes a new methodological model for exploring voluntary action and organizations, arguing for a more integrated analysis of the experiences of various actors.