D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology) / The proportions which family problems have assumed in South Africa, led to an increased demand for research on variables related to the development of marital and family integration. The aim of this study is to conceptualise and operationalise the term commitment to marriage, and to investigate its relation to marital integration. Using a countrywide random sample of white married couples in a combined telephone postal survey, it was found that the term commitment to marriage is a multi-dimensional concept, referring to a long-term perspective, involvement in growth of the relationship, and conformity to underlying values. It was found that commitment to marriage makes a statistically significant contribution towards the explanation of marital integration.

This research aims to map and represent whiteness for the purposes of proposing how whiteness might be included in a critical geographical agenda. An extensive literature review is represented alongside a limited amount of personal reflection and examples from public discourse. This research tells the story of the diverse ways in which the set of social ordering processes here called whiteness, works within systems of social relations and spatial configurations to shape our experiences of and practices in space and place. These are important considerations if whiteness is to be effectively challenged in both geography as a discipline and in social and spatial relations in post-apartheid South Africa. / Thesis (M.Sc.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2003.

Issues of group identity and prejudice have played a large role in the history of South Africa. To examine differences between White English- and Afrikaans-speaking adolescents within the context of the "new" South Africa, data was collected from 553 high school students using a questionnaire which assessed aspects of these groups' perceptions of themselves (their identities), attitudes toward other racial groups (their prejudices), and beliefs about their rapidly changing socio-political environment. A discriminant function analysis conducted with these variables correctly identified group membership at a rate much higher than chance (p < .00001). Post hoc univariate analyses indicated that compared with Afrikaans-speakers, English-speakers demonstrated significantly less identification with their own culture, less racial prejudice but also less willingness to make retribution to those who were oppressed by Apartheid, and less concern/confusion over the recent changes which have taken place in the country. Descriptive and correlational analyses also provided additional, valuable information regarding the variables assessed in the study. Overall, the results seemed to indicate that the adolescent subjects of this study find themselves in a state of transition.

The apartheid state was vulnerable to the opposition of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) on two fronts. From 1967 universal white male conscription was introduced, and progressively increased until 1984. This indicated the growing threat to the apartheid state from regional decolonisation which offered bases for the armed liberation movement. From 1977 a policy of "reformed apartheid" attempted to contain internal black opposition through socio-economic upliftment, but the failure of this containment intensified the need for military coercion. Minority conscription created an ongoing manpower challenge, which the ECC exacerbated by making the costs of conscription explicit, thus encouraging non-compliance and emigration. Secondly, the National Party used a security discourse to promote unity among whites, offsetting both its conscription demands and its decreased capacity to win white political support through socio-economic patronage. After the formation of the Conservative Party in 1982, the state faced conflicting demands for stability from the right, and for reform from the left. The ECC's opposition intensified these political differences, and challenged conscription on moral grounds, particularly the internal deployment of the SADF after 1984. Through its single-issue focus the ECC was able to sidestep divisions which plagued existing anti-apartheid opposition, uniting a variety of groups in national campaigns between 1984 and 1988. Since it could not afford to accommodate the ECC's demands, and in view of growing white acceptance of aspects of the ECC's opposition, the state repressed the ECC to limit its public impact. By 1988 - in a climate of growing white discontent around the material and personal costs of conscription, economic decline, political instability and conscript deaths in Angola - the ECC's call for alternatives to military conscription encouraged a broader range of anti-conscription sentiment, prompting the state to ban it. / History / M.A. (History)

The apartheid state was vulnerable to the opposition of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) on two fronts. From 1967 universal white male conscription was introduced, and progressively increased until 1984. This indicated the growing threat to the apartheid state from regional decolonisation which offered bases for the armed liberation movement. From 1977 a policy of "reformed apartheid" attempted to contain internal black opposition through socio-economic upliftment, but the failure of this containment intensified the need for military coercion. Minority conscription created an ongoing manpower challenge, which the ECC exacerbated by making the costs of conscription explicit, thus encouraging non-compliance and emigration. Secondly, the National Party used a security discourse to promote unity among whites, offsetting both its conscription demands and its decreased capacity to win white political support through socio-economic patronage. After the formation of the Conservative Party in 1982, the state faced conflicting demands for stability from the right, and for reform from the left. The ECC's opposition intensified these political differences, and challenged conscription on moral grounds, particularly the internal deployment of the SADF after 1984. Through its single-issue focus the ECC was able to sidestep divisions which plagued existing anti-apartheid opposition, uniting a variety of groups in national campaigns between 1984 and 1988. Since it could not afford to accommodate the ECC's demands, and in view of growing white acceptance of aspects of the ECC's opposition, the state repressed the ECC to limit its public impact. By 1988 - in a climate of growing white discontent around the material and personal costs of conscription, economic decline, political instability and conscript deaths in Angola - the ECC's call for alternatives to military conscription encouraged a broader range of anti-conscription sentiment, prompting the state to ban it. / History / M.A. (History)