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archives@tulane.edu / Drawing on a set of examples from the media giant Globo, this dissertation analyzes how Brazilian telenovelas and miniseries have dramatized women’s health concerns over the past thirty years. It argues that despite their overtly progressive social merchandising (public service) messages, these novelas often transmit contradictory ideas about women and fail to adequately address structural inequalities within Brazilian society, thereby reinforcing and perpetuating existing social norms and hierarchies that are detrimental to women’s health. Examining five melodramas that have been acclaimed and studied for their treatment of women’s health issues, and analyzing a conflicting set of representations of women—as mother, sexual object, fighter, victim—through the lens of feminist film theory, this work explores how health messages are diluted by visual patterns that over-sexualize women’s bodies and by the romanticization of socio-economic factors. Globo’s telenovelas lack diverse representations of women and their lived experiences on screen. Success of female characters in overcoming health obstacles within the plots of the telenovelas in question is determined by two factors only: individual economic ascension, and an adherence to traditional gender roles. This simplified formula for the attainment of good health largely places the onus on individual women for improving their personal health outcomes, disregarding socio-economic realities and disguising underlying social values communicated by the television network that reinforce health inequities. Closely examining the model of corporate responsibility assumed by Globo, which uses merchandising social to “educate” consumers about social issues through mainstream entertainment, this work challenges the consensus that social messages about women’s health delivered by the network are as progressive as they seem. / 1 / M. Stramel

This thesis examines the intersection between culture-based social structure and individual agency in all-girl Southern folk band The Krickets. By utilizing practice theory we are able to understand the relationship of the individual to their inherent social rules and then compensate for individual action opposing those rules. Through the action of musical performance The Krickets express their connection to a Southern culture and act against the cultural expectations of femininity therein. In studying The Krickets we can understand how notions of femininity, Southern culture, and folk music intersect to create their individual identities, which both adhere to and subvert their cultural structures. By utilizing video ethnography as a methodology and practicing ethical feminist approaches to anthropology we can understand how The Krickets grapple with concepts of cultural identity verses personal identity. / A Thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. / Spring Semester 2019. / April 5, 2019. / ethnographic film, ethnomusicology, female musicians, feminist anthropology, folk music, practice theory / Includes bibliographical references. / Vincent Joos, Professor Directing Thesis; Kristin Dowell, Committee Member; Jayur Mehta, Committee Member.

Thesis (MPH)--University of Limpopo 2011. / Background: The choice of this research topic emanated from my personal experience as Medical Officer at Daveyton central Clinic where I personally attended to an average of three rapes or wife battering cases on a weekly basis and usually many more during festive periods. When compared to my colleagues working in other centres like Pretoria, the prevalence, types and features of the abused women differs which implies that the characteristics might differ from province to province and against this background that the researcher intended to conduct this research. Aims: The broad aim of this study is to explore the characteristics of abused women who consulted at Daveyton clinic between January 2008 and December 2009. Methodology: Data was collected at Daveyton central clinic which is under Ekurhuleni municipality. A descriptive quantitative study was used based on records of abused women who consulted at the clinic between January 2008 and December 2009. All the files of the women who consulted within the specified period were retrieved and every file with a history of violence against women (VAW) was selected. The analysis was based on the information that were written in the files of the patient by the health workers at the centre. Results: The study indicated that the majority of the participants (72 %) were below the age of 30 years. Among the abused women 59.8 % were single. All the women were living in the Daveyton township area. Only five (2%) of the cases had no formal education or stopped at primary school level, while 88.8 % had at least a secondary school education and the rest 9.2 % had tertiary education. About 45.4 % of the cases were unemployed and 14.7 % were students. This gives a total of close to 60.1 % of cases who are economically inactive and dependent. The rest of the respondents were either in full time (13.9 %) or in part time (25.9 %) employment. At the time of presentation at the centre, more than quarters (29.6 % and 27.6 % respectively) were traumatized or confused, 19.8 % injured and 19.3 % were reserved. Almost half (47.4 %) of the abuse cases were sexually abused, followed by physical abuse at 41.8 % while emotional abuse were 6.3 % and economical abuse were 4 %. Over a half (55.4%) of women abused alcohol, 16.7 % used tobacco and 15 % used illicit drug while 12.8 % of women did not use any form of substances. At the time of presentation at the centre, the following personality traits from abused women were observed; almost 36 % of the abused women were angry, 20.6 % were stubborn and 24.9 % were submissive while 14.8 % were aggressive. Majority of women (63 %) reported abuse yearly. There were more abuse during festive period (67.7 %). About one fifth (18 %) of women were abused during their pregnancy and 82% were not pregnant. 38% of abused women had no child while about 61 % had 1 to 6 children. Two third (61.5 %) of the women were abused by their husband or partners. Further analysis revealed that age was significantly associated with different types of abuse as younger women (<30 years) were more abused than older women (p = 0.011). Marital status was also significantly associated with different types of abuse (p = 0.001). This means that single or divorced or separated women were more likely to be victims of sexual abuse. Women’s employment status was statistically associated with types of abuse as physical and sexual abuse were more common among women who were unemployed or had part time employment (p<0.001). Types of abuse was associated with substance abuse as prevalence of physical and sexual abuse were more common among women who took alcohol (p = 0.019) It was found that types of abuse and period of reporting were significantly associated as physical and sexual abuse were reported more during festive seasons (p = 0.006) Types of abuse was significantly associated with relationship with the perpetrator (p<0.001). This indicated that women were emotionally or economically abused more by father or uncle or where there was more than one perpetrator. Conclusion: The following characteristics were observed from women who consulted at Daveyton central clinic for abuse; most were between 11-30 years and single (59.8 %).Most of them were economically inactive. It was evident from data analysis that most of them had low level of education (90.8 % - secondary education or lower) and they struggle to get employment. Another characteristic was that 60.1 % of cases were still students or unemployed and therefore depended on their partners for financial support, which in some cases were elderly men. Most of them presented traumatized at the centre and the commonest form of abuse experienced was sexual abuse. Most of the abused women were found angry. Most of them came for consultation during festive periods. This could probably be related to heavy alcohol consumption during these periods. Key words: Domestic violence, Characteristics of abused women, patterns of reporting.

This study examines the theme of violence against women, in three novels of Emile Zola, representing respectively the bourgeoisie, the working class, and the peasant class: La Curee, L'Assommoir, and La Terre. Some of Rene Girard's ideas, as put forth in La Violence et le sacre, The Scapegoat, and Des Choses cachees depuis la fondation du monde, provide the theoretical basis for our analysis. / The suffering of the female characters, be it psychological or physical or both, strongly reflects the position of women as scapegoats, and thus transcends all classes. Also vital to the interpretation of this issue are the relationship between sexuality, violence, and original sin, as well as mythological forces at work in each of the novels, such as the Sphinx, the Still, and the Earth. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 49-09, Section: A, page: 2678. / Major Professor: Antoine Spacagna. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1988. / This study examines the theme of violence against women, in three novels of Emile Zola, representing respectively the bourgeoisie, the working class, and the peasant class: La Curee, L'Assommoir, and La Terre. Some of Rene Girard's ideas, as put forth in La Violence et le sacre, The Scapegoat, and Des Choses cachees depuis la fondation du monde, provide the theoretical basis for our analysis. / The suffering of the female characters, be it psychological or physical or both, strongly reflects the position of women as scapegoats, and thus transcends all classes. Also vital to the interpretation of this issue are the relationship between sexuality, violence, and original sin, as well as mythological forces at work in each of the novels, such as the Sphinx, the Still, and the Earth.

The story of Dakota Commonplace follows Alice Hundley, her husband, Rob, and son, Bobby, into a world totally new and foreign to them. Alice finds herself isolated in a South Dakota farmhouse miles from the nearest neighbor, removed from her own past and from the concerns which occupy her few acquaintances. Her new experiences violate many of her preconceptions about how to be wife and mother, how to find her place in a community, how to learn, and what she can, with any certainty, know. / Rob, a social worker, has been hired by a Sioux Tribal Council to create an educational program for Indian young people. His initial enthusiasm and sense of possibility quickly diminish in the teeth of white resistance and what he perceives as Indian resignation and indifference. Alice, although hating her isolation and sense of uselessness, gradually become acclimated. She seeks the elusive history of the place and finds it in the conflicting experience of their landlord, Anker Thordahl, the descendent of Scandinavian settlers, and Dakota Indians Dorothy Renville and Jerry Flute and their families. / Over the period of four months, Alice and Rob move in different directions, complicating the strains that loneliness and too much interdependence have placed on their marriage. Rob, unable to admit to his own sense of failure, considers leaving at the very moment Alice is growing toward a deeply felt sense of place and an attachment to the people. Out of her isolation, Alice is brought to a greater personal strength that allows her to reject both inaction and superficial solutions. She takes her first steps toward individual and significant action. / Running parallel to the narrative set in 1969 is the journal or working notes kept by Alice Hundley who, in 1992, studies and reflects upon the area, its people and history. The journal's narrative compliments the progress of the 1969 narrative. The title, Dakota Commonplace, represents the use of fragments of material in Alice's journal or commonplace book and the experiences we all hold in common. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 54-08, Section: A, page: 3237. / Major Professor: Sheila Taylor. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1993. / The story of Dakota Commonplace follows Alice Hundley, her husband, Rob, and son, Bobby, into a world totally new and foreign to them. Alice finds herself isolated in a South Dakota farmhouse miles from the nearest neighbor, removed from her own past and from the concerns which occupy her few acquaintances. Her new experiences violate many of her preconceptions about how to be wife and mother, how to find her place in a community, how to learn, and what she can, with any certainty, know. / Rob, a social worker, has been hired by a Sioux Tribal Council to create an educational program for Indian young people. His initial enthusiasm and sense of possibility quickly diminish in the teeth of white resistance and what he perceives as Indian resignation and indifference. Alice, although hating her isolation and sense of uselessness, gradually become acclimated. She seeks the elusive history of the place and finds it in the conflicting experience of their landlord, Anker Thordahl, the descendent of Scandinavian settlers, and Dakota Indians Dorothy Renville and Jerry Flute and their families. / Over the period of four months, Alice and Rob move in different directions, complicating the strains that loneliness and too much interdependence have placed on their marriage. Rob, unable to admit to his own sense of failure, considers leaving at the very moment Alice is growing toward a deeply felt sense of place and an attachment to the people. Out of her isolation, Alice is brought to a greater personal strength that allows her to reject both inaction and superficial solutions. She takes her first steps toward individual and significant action. / Running parallel to the narrative set in 1969 is the journal or working notes kept by Alice Hundley who, in 1992, studies and reflects upon the area, its people and history. The journal's narrative compliments the progress of the 1969 narrative. The title, Dakota Commonplace, represents the use of fragments of material in Alice's journal or commonplace book and the experiences we all hold in common.

This study compares rape crisis centers as feminist movement organizations and mainstream human service organizations which deal with rape survivors. It compares 25 rape crisis centers and 106 mainstream human service organizations on two criteria: (1) community education activities, intended targets and foci of messages; and (2) the breadth of interventive activities, intensiveness of staff contact and extensiveness of outreach efforts. The research design involves a secondary analysis of data collected by Martin et al. (1984) on needs of rape victims in Florida. Five types of organizations are studied: rape crisis centers, hospital emergency rooms, law enforcement agencies, prosecutors, and remaining human service organizations. Six dependent variables are examined. / Six major findings are as follows. First, rape crisis centers engage in more community education activities than do mainstream human service organizations. Second, rape crisis centers emphasize community education messages with a social change focus more than do mainstream human service organizations. Third, rape crisis centers do not reach professional groups more than potential victim groups in community education activities. Problems in measurement precluded a thorough comparison of organizations on intervention activities. However, a fourth finding is that rape crisis centers fail to differ from mainstream organizations on this variable. Fifth, rape crisis centers do not spend more time with rape survivors than do prosecutors and only slightly more than do law enforcement agencies although sixth, they see on an annual basis far more rape survivors than do mainstream human service organizations. / Conclusions are that rape crisis centers differ from mainstream human service organizations in several respects and resemble them in others. The evidence suggests that rape crisis centers may be educating mainstream organizations on rape issues while adopting certain messages and services from them as well. The future of rape crisis centers as feminist movement organizations is discussed. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 48-02, Section: A, page: 0482. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1987.

Stigma /Stigmata: Misa de Mujer is a five act monodrama which deals with a woman's transformation from a life of compulsive searching for love and acceptance to a life of sovereign self determination. / The monodrama consists of dialogue, prose poetry, and free verse. Dramatic monologue predominates the drama, being the vehicle of expression for the various voices which make up the woman's multi-voiced self: Chorus (representing the social and religious voices, Self (representing the spiritual and creative voice), and She (representing the moral and socially controlled voice). Another voice in the play, that of Maggie, speaks in dialogue and represents the voice of one at the verge of dissolution. Whether prose poetry or free verse, the poems are meant to present metaphors for the struggle and transformation in the woman's life. While the narrative comes to a close in Act V with the healing and unification of the various parts of the SELF/SHE-MAGGIE, the drama is left deliberately open ended so that SHE-MAGGIE's future is not decided in the formulaic "happily ever after" ending. / An introduction explains the philosophical undergirding of the drama and stylistic devices used in the text. / Reading notes explain portmanteau and hypenated words used in the poems. Where applicable, references to scripture, literary works, or background material are documented. / The author offers the monodrama as a work among the ongoing contributions to women's literature. Carol Christ in Diving Deep and Surfacing states that$\rm \vskip5pt without\ \lbrack women's\rbrack\ stories\ there\ is\ no\ articulation\ of\ experience.\cr\vskip.1pt Without\ stories\ a\ woman\ is\ lost\ when\ she\ comes\ to\ make\ important\cr\vskip.1pt decisions\ in\ her\ life.\ She\ does\ not\ learn\ to\ value\ her\ struggles,\ to\cr\vskip.1pt celebrate\ her\ strengths,\ to\ comprehend\ her\ pain.\ Without\ stories\ she\cr\vskip.1pt cannot\ understand\ herself.\ Without\ stories\ she\ is\ alienated\ from\cr\vskip.1pt those\ deeper\ experiences\ of self\ and\ the\ world\ that\ have\ been\ called\cr\vskip.1pt spiritual\ or\ religious.\ She\ is\ closed\ in\ silence.(1)\cr\vskip5pt$ / The play is a documentary of struggle and celebration through which alienation and silence are overcome. It offers the possibility that women can become sovereign and create genuine lives. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 56-07, Section: A, page: 2687. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1995.