This thesis evaluates a piece of educational printed material, The Women's Handbook. which was produced in the late 1990s as part of a joint project between the Midlands Women's Group (an NGO working around women's rights in the Midlands of KwaZulu-Natal), the Centre for Adult Education of the then University of Natal, and the national Commission on Gender Equality, a statutory body set up by the 1996 Constitution of South Africa. As a member of the Centre for Adult Education's staff I was integrally involved in the process of conceptualising and developing the Handbook, and was the overall co-ordinator of the project. As a result of the wide-spread changes in local government, as well as in development planning and processes, in the early 2000s the Centre and the Midlands Women's Group began considering the advisability of producing a revised edition. Although anecdotal evidence suggested that the Handbook had been widely used by the women to whom it had been distributed, it was decided that a thorough evaluation of the Handbook should be undertaken before any attempt was made to revise it. This thesis is a record of this evaluation. It begins with a theoretical exploration of what it means to evaluate an intervention, and uses this to argue that an evaluation of the Handbook requires a consideration of its theoretical underpinnings and of best practice in the field of materials development for adults with low levels of education, as well its use and impact. It then moves on to look at the Handbook in some detail, including the rationale for its development. The use and impact of the Handbook is then discussed, after which an attempt is made to identify the theoretical underpinnings of the Handbook. Best practice both in terms of product and process is discussed, and the Handbook compared to this. The concluding chapter then attempts to account for the findings. In its structure at least, then, this is not a 'typical' thesis. The review of pertinent literature, for example, is not contained in a single chapter, but rather dealt with within the appropriate chapter. / Thesis (M.Ed.) - University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.

This paper looks at the relationship between gender equality and the legal system in Japan. The legislative and judicial histories of cases involving women's rights in employment and the family system are utilized to understand this relationship and explore areas for future development of gender equality in Japan.

This study has endeavored to find out socio-cultural factors that influence gender injustices with special focus on sexual and health reproductive rights of women in Swaziland community. It has further examined the extent to which Church Forum as ecumenical instrument has addressed these issues of concern. It has been argued that gender injustice in Swaziland is a result of multifaceted factors. In the first place, the model of governance stands at the apex in championing gender injustice while perpetuating the violation of women sexual and health reproductive rights. It has been found that Swaziland community has embraced a hybrid of both Western and traditional features of governance where the preeminence of the traditional element has been evident. Patriarchal dominance is the second another contributing factor to the plights of women’s gender injustice on issues of sexual and health reproductive rights. This has been compounded by polygamous marriage which is overwhelmingly evident and which is honored, respected and cherished throughout the community. Coupled with absolute poverty, a third factor, these are the critical factors that have significantly contributed to promoting gender injustice forcing most women to engage into a risk unhealthy sexual and reproductive behavior. The Church Forum, which stands as ecumenical instrument has made an intense attempt in addressing issues that affect the entire community of Swaziland, particularly women’s concern. However, this study has revealed that the church engagement has been narrowly limited to HIV and AIDS and food security. It is due to this deficiency of the church engagement into the broader perspective of gender inequalities, unhealthy women’s sexual and reproductive rights have persisted. In this regard, the study has suggested that the ecumenical body in Swaziland should take a more holistic life-affirming approach in order to address women’s gender concerns comprehensively. Such approach must begin with a re-envisioning ecumenical commitment while incorporating aspects of radical feminist approach in order to foster life-enhancing change in Swaziland Community, especially women sexual and health reproductive rights. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2014.

Since 2011, Egypt has been in a state of chaos and instability. During this time women have suffered disproportionality in comparison to their male counterparts. However, the poor state of affairs for women did not begin after 2011; while women have slowly gained more rights during the last decade, Egypt’s commitment to gender equality has always fallen short. This paper investigates the current state of affairs for women’s rights in Egypt, especially in wake of the 2011 Revolution, and asserts that the poor quality of women’s rights is a result of a battle for power between the military and Islamic politicians, specifically the Muslim Brotherhood. It then analyzes the possibility of a better future for Egypt through an examination of Turkey because it is a secular Islamic state, which has recently reduced military power and increased democratic inclusion in politics. Ultimately, the potential for dramatic improvement in women’s rights in Egypt would necessitate a significant cultural shift, as well as greater inclusion in government—both of which are unlikely given the current state of Egyptian culture and politics.

This thesis analyses the process of social construction of women's citizenship rights in Peru under the regime of Alberto Fujimori (1990--2000). It builds on an existing body of literature on democratization and women's movements in Latin America, to develop an understanding of the forms of women's mobilization under new democratic regimes and the impact of the pattern of state-society relations on the advancements and losses in women's citizenship rights. More specifically, it shows that the 1990s witnessed a significant range of advances in women's civil and political rights, while social and economic rights suffered serious reversals. It is argued that the strategies and opportunities of different sectors of the women's movement in Peru, as well as the objectives pursued by the state under Fujimori's rule, combined to generate this evolution of women's citizenship. The forms of mobilization of these different sectors followed the course of their own constraints and choices, while they were also importantly shaped by the broader political framework: a neopopulist model of political rule together with the implementation of a neoliberal program of structural adjustment and liberalization. The influence of a set of international factors also contributed to structuring the political incentives and resources of the different actors involved in the social construction of women's citizenship in Peru. The thesis concludes that the democratic or authoritarian nature of the political regime as such cannot explain the pattern of construction of women's citizenship rights, as witnessed by an increased space of women in the public sphere and advances in civil and political rights under the restricted version of political democracy which characterized most of Fujimori's rule. Contrary to the literature on other Latin American women's movements, which detected a marginalization of women's movements in the political sphere following the transitions to d

In Latin America, women's ability to participate in the paid workforce on equal terms as men is constrained by many cultural and political obstacles, and this reinforces women's unequal citizenship status. Even though unions have rarely supported women's rights historically, and are currently losing political power in the neoliberal economic context, I argue that union women have a crucial role to play in the social struggle to expand women's labor rights. Building on theories about the social construction of citizenship, I develop an original theoretical framework suggesting that civil society acts on three levels to expand citizenship rights: the individual level (working with individuals to make them more rights-conscious), within social institutions (working to ensure that policies within social institutions actually reflect the rights of individuals), and at the level of the state, where civil society contributes to the construction of new citizenship discourses. / The framework is then applied to the Mexican case. Examining the rise of working class feminism in the context of the debt crisis and transition to economic liberalism in the 1980s, and the subsequent democratic transition in 2000, I show how these contexts led union women to participate in civil associations active at each of these three levels of citizenship construction. More specifically, this participation has been important in raising awareness of women's labor rights among women workers, challenging patriarchal union structures, and bringing the issue of women's labor rights into the debate over reform of Mexico's Federal Labor Law. I ultimately conclude that in the absence of support from a broad women's labor movement, the chances that women's labor rights will be supported by the Mexican government and Mexican unions will be low.

Virginity Testing, a traditional Zulu pre-nuptial custom that determines the worth of a bride, has been resurrected in communities in KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa as a response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The practice takes place during large community festivals when young girls have their genitals physically examined to determine whether they are virgins and results are made public. Supporters of the tradition claim that in fostering a value of chastity among its youth, it encourages abstinence from sexual intercourse which leads to a lower HIV infection rate and prevents the disease from spreading. Human rights activists disagree; Rather than slowing the spread of a disease, they argue, the practice instead endangers girls. Those who fail are often shunned and turn to prostitution, while those who pass may be exposed as potential targets for rape (due to a myth that says intercourse with a virgin cures HIV/AIDS). Despite a ban on the practice in 2005, the testing festivals continue, and are described by supporters as an important part of the preservation of Zulu culture. This thesis examines the ways in which human rights may be re-negotiated for young girls in Zulu communities while maintaining a respect for local culture. It moves beyond the traditional debate between relativism and universalism in order to propose solutions to rights violations in culturally diverse contexts by exploring ideas of inclusive human rights and capabilities theories.

This study documents a process of planned social change. In 1967, the Canadian government appointed the Royal Commission on the Status of Women (RCSW) following a campaign mounted by a coalition of women's groups to promote women's rights. The Commission helped to define the status of women as a legitimate social problem, recommended changes in social policy, and helped to mobilize a constituency which pressed the government to implement the recommendations. The existence of an organized and vocal women's movement strengthened the Commission's demand for "simple justice." / The Report of the Commission was tabled in 1970, and the government responded to it by creating a federal policy system for promoting women's rights. The study assesses the different outcomes of the 167 RCSW recommendations over a ten-year period and it discusses the relationships between the women's movement, a governmental commission of inquiry (RCSW), and public policy on the status of women in Canada.

This dissertation is the first study of state feminism in a non-western nation state, focusing on the activities and roles of the Women's Bureau of the Ministry of Labor in post-World War II Japan. While state feminism theory possesses a strong capability to examine state-society relationships in terms of feminist policymaking, it tends to neglect a state's activity in improving women's status and rights in non-western nations where the feminist movements are apathetic or antagonistic to the state and where the state also creates a vertical relationship with feminist groups. To apply the state feminism theory to examine activities of a state institute for women in non-Western nations, I created new analytical factors, domestic and international master frames, which show how policymakers and activists collaborate on policymaking at a domestic level and how policymakers utilize international standards to create the domestic master frame. Using the two-level-analysis of domestic and international politics in terms of creation of master frames together with the existing institutional and mobilizing structural variables, this dissertation presents a detailed study of the activities and roles of the Japanese women's bureau as an initiator and facilitator of gender equality in the process of agenda setting for the equal opportunity laws by utilizing international influence to persuade the opposition and as an interest mediator in the process of decision-making for them. The empirical evidence presented also demonstrates that the change of roles arose from the lack of the following factors: 1) limited resources and institutional capability caused by the marginalization of the women's bureau within the government, 2) the lack of a domestic master frame on the issue of gender equality between the women's bureau and women activists, and 3) the lack of mobilizing structures that provide women's groups the access to political decision-making to reflect their opinions. The combination of these factors hindered policymaking on gender equality and created a gradual and incremental progress toward gender equality in Japan. The way to gender equality in Japan is different from the western nations. Yet, this is a way that other non-western nations have also advanced and will follow in. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 253-274). / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / xiii, 274 leaves, bound 29 cm

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2004. / Adviser: Sonia Hofkosh. Submitted to the Dept. of English Literature. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 192-202). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;