Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on October 25, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.C.S.)--Regent College, Vancouver, BC, 2005. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 151-157).

Few issues divide leaders and policy-makers as much as abortion, which regularly sparks heated political, religious and philosophical debates. Numerous states choose to prohibit or criminalize abortion, despite the fact that it has been practiced throughout recorded history. In many of these states, women turn to unsafe abortion methods, such as consuming bleach or inserting a coat hanger, which may cause long-term damage or death. In the light of this tragic reality, one could ask whether these women have a right to safe abortion in human rights law or not. In order to answer this question, the author analyzes the status of abortion in public international law. The results are based on a thorough examination of the preparatory works (travaux préparatoires) and reservations to CEDAW, CRC, ECHR, and ICCPR, as well as documents by international and regional treaty bodies. The author applies a treaty-based international law methodology, analyzes the results through Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin’s theory of the public and private distinction in public international law and discusses the juridical- political context. The author concludes that there is neither an explicitly formulated human right to abortion, nor is abortion included within the right to family planning. However, she finds that domestic legislation which criminalizes or restrict access to safe abortions may be in violation of other fundamental human rights.

Women are subject to a number of societal recommendations about what it means to be an 'ideal' woman. These recommendations take the form of social scripts, constructing an idea of ideal femininity, which women must perform in order to be socially accepted and successful. 'Emphasized femininity', a white, Western, script of femininity is dominant and has been critiqued by feminists, social theorists, and individual women for the limits that it places on women's behaviour. As a result a number of alternative scripts of femininity have arisen. These scripts can provide alternatives to restrictive understandings of female sexuality and beauty - they can serve to challenge 'appropriate' feminine behaviour and hence allow women to live more freely. Raunch femininity is a contemporary alternative that uses sexually explicit public performance, and encourages specific body and dress norms, in an attempt to challenge the norms of emphasized femininity. This thesis looks at raunch femininity, specifically its norms of sexuality and beauty, in the hopes of understanding what the effects of such a script are on women's behaviour. Theoretical understandings and explanations of women's lives are often contradicted by reports that women provide of their lived experiences. For this reason, this thesis investigates the lived experiences of women who self-identify as subscribers to this script in order to assess to what extent superficial expressions of freedom have deeper effects on women's freedom. The tension between theory and empirical reports is evident. However, in many cases, the reports of research participants reveal that the script of raunch femininity, like other scripts of feminine behaviour, has its own limits that women must abide with in order to be accepted. This thesis argues that these limits outweigh the benefits of this script. / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

viii, 234 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT PN4897.O74 E78 1995 / Studies have shown that women's ideas, especially those that challenge the status quo, have historically received little attention from the press. This thesis discusses how women were described in three of Oregon's frontier newspapers from 1846 to 1859, and also explores their contributions to the newspapers as writers, poets, editors, and businesswomen. Information from established American media clipped for the frontier papers described popular, mainstream ideas of womanhood, as well as provided news on the emerging women's rights struggle. Information generated locally on women encompassed a variety of themes, including marriage, education, and temperance. This study shows that even though content about women and women's roles as contributors were constrained by contemporary ideas of propriety and women's place in society, women were valued as readers and contributors to the three Oregon newspapers. / Committee in charge: Dr. Lauren Kessler, Chair; Dr. Timothy Gleason, Dr. Leslie Steeves

Over the last several decades, economic and cultural shifts in the United States have created an increasing demand for domestic labor, and data shows that these jobs have largely been filled by women of color, many of whom are immigrants who may or may not have documented legal status. Despite the growing importance of this industry, domestic workers have historically and intentionally been excluded from most federal and state labor rights and regulation, which has resulted in substandard working conditions, exploitation, and abuse for workers in this industry. This research traces the gendered and racialized legislative exclusion, and analyzes recent state efforts to enact policies extending labor rights to domestic workers. It concludes with recommendations for the role of advocacy in pushing for legislative change, and for bridging the gap between policy and enforcement.

Traditional ethical views have tended to define moral agency from the patriarchal perspective. Seen and defined from this perspective, it has been maintained that women are not transmitters or teachers of good morals, let alone makers of sound moral judgments. This biased stance on women and moral agency is not only prevalent in Western traditional ethical approaches. It is also found in the thinking and practice of contemporary African society. Contrary to traditional ethical views on moral agency, both Western and African, this work argues that African women are good moral agents. They have always demonstrated moral responsibility through participation in the overall life of their society. To ensure maximum participation of all African women in society, the dissertation suggests that a process of conscientization for a liberative culture should become a priority for African society. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)

This dissertation explores the role of female political actors in the gendered rebuilding of Tunisia’s post-Ben Ali political infrastructure and how gender both informed and featured in the early stages of the democratic transition. Drawing on thirteen months of fieldwork and over 300 hours of interviews, it narrates a yet untold story of the transformation of female political actors from object to subject of the state. In the post-revolutionary political terrain, gender and women’s rights were imbued with broader discursive significance, becoming a vehicle through which to distinguish two broad political categories of Islamism and secularism, which showcased continuity with the historical deployment of gender in pre-independence and post-colonial authoritarian contexts. However, analysis of the development of gender parity legislation from its introduction in the interim electoral law in advance of the 2011 elections, through the constitutional and electoral law drafting processes, and its implementation in the 2014 elections, reveals the inadequacy of gender as a metaphor for broad political characterisations and the fluidity of the Tunisian political terrain as seen through a gendered lens. It was only through the collaborative work of female political actors across the ideological spectrum within the National Constituent Assembly that the foundational texts of the Second Republic were gendered, acknowledging and addressing the ways that the lived experiences of women, as socially and historically constituted subjects, can mediate access to rights. By virtue of this process, these female deputies, whose own subjectivities were transformed through interaction with male-dominated political institutions, enacted and embodied new modes of the female citizen as subject. Finally, in tracing the development of the gender parity laws through the formative years of Tunisian democracy, this dissertation illuminates the ways in which access to newly democratised political power remains gendered, mediated through the complex interplay between larger political, social, and economic structures.

This is a case study of East London from 1870 to 1914 with gender as the critical analytical category. The focus is on change in the structure of gender relations, evaluated in terms of the recognition of the rights of women and their status in society and women of all race groups are dealt with. A feature of the source material has been the use made of oral history where interviews were conducted with the descendants of women who lived during the study period. There were many indirect factors which had a retrogressive influence on progressive change in the rights and position of women. The initial small size of the population and unbalanced gender ratios, the few natural resources, a small and limited port and periodic unpredictable natural disasters gave rise to a 'boom and burst' economy with very little industry. The result was that initially the women were very conservative and unwilling to make social changes. The military occupation and the outbreak of hostilities in the late 1870s affected social and racial attitudes detrimentally. The entrenched patriarchal system, under which both black and white women lived, and the legal controls, particularly in the marital situation, reinforced the subordination of women, making the system difficult to break. Further conservative forces were at work with the European class system being well entrenched, with most women working for upward mobility, gentrification and respectability. Wealth was critical in determining status and those women from the working class, who had achieved some degree of wealth and status, were not prepared to challenge the system. Religion was important for nearly all white women and converted black women, but was a retarding influence in the growth of feminist consciousness. Little progress was made in improving the condition of women who transgressed the law, the non-respectable women, and ethnicity made no difference. Progress was made in gender relations for women in some fields. The reduction in family size and the improvement in health, gave women more time and energy for public affairs. Participation in sport helped women discard the image of being weak and frail and also improved health. Educational opportunities allowed some to get tertiary training and obtain proper qualifications to earn a living for themselves. Xhosa women who came into the town, made a major break with traditional society and many became independent. The major impetus for change came through women's associations, where women actively worked together and achieved some positive results. Middle class white women could earn an independent living without losing respectability, although it was accepted that women should give up paid employment on marriage. Black women broke traditional ties and many urban women became independent. Conditions for working class and non-respectable women changed very little. A deduction is that many women, both white and black, had sympathy for one another and they created a fund of goodwill on both sides of the colour line.

The prevalence of rape and its widespread impunity, whether committed during armed conflict or peacetime, has been firmly condemned by the UN and its prohibition has been consistently recognised in international law. This development, however, is a rather novel endeavour. The belated response is in part a consequence of rape being characterised by such myths as sexual violence representing an inevitable by-product of war or as being committed by sexual deviants. Its systematic nature has thus been ignored as has the gravity of the offence, often leading to a culture of impunity. This was evident, for example, through the failure to prosecute crimes of rape during the Nuremberg trials, in qualifying it as a harm against a woman’s honour in the 1949 Geneva Convention (IV), or in considering it a violation located in the “private sphere”, thereby beyond regulation by international law. However, substantial efforts have been made in international law to recognise obligations for states to prevent rape. A prohibition of the offence has developed both through treaty law and customary international law, requiring the prevention of rape whether committed by state agents or by a private actor. One measure to prevent such violence has been identified as the duty to enact domestic criminal laws on the matter. The flexibility for states in determining the substance of such criminal laws is increasingly circumscribed, leading to the question of whether a particular definition of rape or certain elements of the crime must be adopted in this process. Elaborations on the elements of the crime of rape have been a late concern of international law, the first efforts made by the ad hoc tribunals (the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia), followed by the regional human rights systems as well as the International Criminal Court. The principal purpose of the thesis is consequently the systematisation and analysis of provisions and emerging norms obliging states to adopt a particular definition of rape in domestic penal codes. The prohibition of rape and, subsequently, the process of defining the crime has been made in three areas of international law – international human rights law, international humanitarian law and international criminal law. Emerging norms in all three regimes are consequently examined in this thesis, bringing to the fore overarching questions on the possible harmonisation of defining rape in these distinct branches of international law. The study will thus provide a contextual approach, aiming to evince whether the definition can be harmonised or if prevailing circumstances, such as armed conflict or peace, should necessarily inform its definition. Ultimately, the advances in international law are evaluated in order to identify possible areas for further development.