This dissertation fills a conspicuous gap in the literature on the U.S. woman suffrage movement by developing and testing a model of state woman suffrage success. This model is based on a version of the resource mobilization perspective on social movements which emphasizes the importance of social movement organizations (such as the National American Woman Suffrage Association) as resource-gathering agencies which can exploit the structure of organized politics by mobilizing their own resources and neutralizing those of opponents. Accordingly, this model taps four alternative types of variables used by woman suffrage scholars to explain state success: state political structure, NAWSA mobilization, and liquor and allied interests (opponents of woman suffrage) as well as demographic characteristics.

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This thesis examined the news coverage and editorial coverage the New York Times gave Susan B. Anthony’s participation in the women’s suffrage movement from the time Miss Anthony joined the movement in September 1852 until her death in March 1906. Using various books on Miss Anthony as well as the New York Times index, a chronological list of events and activities involving Miss Anthony’s participation in the woman’s suffrage movement was complied. Pages of the New York Times then were examined on the dates and near the dates of Miss Anthony’s activities to learn what coverage the newspaper had given her or the movement.The study showed that when the woman’s suffrage movement began in the early 1800s, women had few of the rights they enjoy today. Society of the time believed a woman’s place was in the home and that only man, as head of the household and chief breadwinner, should enjoy the right of suffrage. However, people who supported the woman’s suffrage movement believed women should enjoy the same employment opportunities and wages men of that day enjoyed and saw the ballot as the women could achieve those opportunities.Having shown the society of the early 1800s as well as the reasons for the woman's suffrage movement, the thesis focused on Miss Anthony's activities in the movement to show the coverage the New York Times gave her and the movement both news-wise and editorially throughout her life. The thesis found the New York Times covered her activities and those of the movement factually, based on the historical books written about her life and activities. However, the study found the newspaper's editorial opposition to the movement lacked the facts to support its emotional, and often illogical, feelings against the movement. Only when Miss Anthony was found guilty of voting did the New York Times stand on firm ground in opposition to her actions because it presented facts based on the United States Constitution to support its statements.The thesis concluded the New York Times reported its news stories factually and accurately, but used emotional appeals which lacked facts to support its opposition to the woman's suffrage movement. The thesis also concluded the New York Times reflected the society it served, a society that believed woman belonged in the home instead of out in a man's world, demanding the ballot in order to achieve equal rights with man.

This study offers a concentrated view of how a national movement developed networks from the grassroots up and how regional identity can influence national campaign strategies by examining the roles Texas and Texans played in the woman suffrage movement in the United States. The interest that multiple generations of national woman suffrage leaders showed in Texas, from Reconstruction through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, provides new insights into the reciprocal nature of national movements. Increasingly, from 1868 to 1920, a bilateral flow of resources existed between national women's rights leaders and woman suffrage activists in Texas. Additionally, this study nationalizes the woman suffrage movement earlier than previously thought. Cross-regional woman suffrage activity has been marginalized by the belief that campaigning in the South did not exist or had not connected with the national associations until the 1890s. This closer examination provides a different view. Early woman's rights leaders aimed at a nationwide movement from the beginning. This national goal included the South, and woman suffrage interest soon spread to the region. One of the major factors in this relationship was that the primarily northeastern-based national leadership desperately needed southern support to aid in their larger goals. Texas' ability to conform and make the congruity politically successful eventually helped the state become one of NAWSA's few southern stars. National leaders believed the state was of strategic importance because Texas activists continuously told them so by emphasizing their promotion of women's rights. Tremendously adding credibility to these claims was the sheer number of times Texas legislators introduced woman suffrage resolutions over the course of more than fifty years. This happened during at least thirteen sessions of the Texas legislature, including two of the three post-Civil War constitutional conventions. This larger pattern of interdependency often culminated in both sides-the Texas and national organizations-believing that the other was necessary for successful campaigning at the state, regional, and national levels.