Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2000. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-149). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2000. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-149). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of Anthropology, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.

University of Technology, Sydney. Institute of International Studies. / Within Borneo, the indigenous Iban pua kumbu cloth, historically associated with headhunting, is steeped in spirituality and mythology. The cloth, the female counterpart of headhunting, was known as women’s war (Linggi, 1999). The process of mordanting yarns in preparation for tying and dyeing was seen as a way of managing the spiritual realm (Heppell, Melak, & Usen, 2006). It required of the ‘women warriors’ psychological courage equivalent to the men when decapitating enemies. Headhunting is no longer a relevant cultural practice. However, the cloth that incited headhunting continues to be invested with significance in the modern world, albeit in the absence of its association with headhunting. This thesis uses the pua kumbu as a lens through which to explore the changing dynamics of social and economic life with regard to men’s and women’s roles in society, issues of identity and nationalism, people’s relationship to their environment and the changing meanings and roles of the textiles themselves with global market forces. By addressing these issues I aim to capture the fluid expressions of new social dynamics using a pua kumbu in a very different way from previous studies. Using the scholarship grounded in art and material culture studies, and with particular reference to theories of ‘articulation’ (Clifford, 2001), ‘circulation’ (Graburn & Glass, 2004) and ‘art and agency’ (Gell, 1998; MacClancy, 1997a), I analyse how the Dayak Iban use the pua kumbu textile to renegotiate their periphery position within the nation of Malaysia (and within the bumiputera indigenous group) and to access more enabling social and economic opportunities. I also draw on the theoretical framework of ‘friction’ and ‘contact zones’ as outlined by Tsing (2005), Karp (2006) and Clifford (1997) to contextualize my discussion of the of the exhibition and representation of pua kumbu in museums. Each of these theoretical frameworks is applied to my data to situate and illustrate my arguments. Whereas in the past, it was the culture that required the object be made, now the object is made to do cultural work. The cloth, instead of revealing hidden symbols and meanings in its motifs, is now made to carry the culture, having itself become a symbol or marker for Iban people. Using an exploration of material culture to understand the complex, dynamic and flowing nature of the relationship between objects and the identities of the producers and consumer is the key contribution of this thesis.

Thesis (M.A.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2005. / Bibliography: leaves 206-220.

University of Technology, Sydney. Institute of International Studies. / Within Borneo, the indigenous Iban pua kumbu cloth, historically associated with headhunting, is steeped in spirituality and mythology. The cloth, the female counterpart of headhunting, was known as women’s war (Linggi, 1999). The process of mordanting yarns in preparation for tying and dyeing was seen as a way of managing the spiritual realm (Heppell, Melak, & Usen, 2006). It required of the ‘women warriors’ psychological courage equivalent to the men when decapitating enemies. Headhunting is no longer a relevant cultural practice. However, the cloth that incited headhunting continues to be invested with significance in the modern world, albeit in the absence of its association with headhunting. This thesis uses the pua kumbu as a lens through which to explore the changing dynamics of social and economic life with regard to men’s and women’s roles in society, issues of identity and nationalism, people’s relationship to their environment and the changing meanings and roles of the textiles themselves with global market forces. By addressing these issues I aim to capture the fluid expressions of new social dynamics using a pua kumbu in a very different way from previous studies. Using the scholarship grounded in art and material culture studies, and with particular reference to theories of ‘articulation’ (Clifford, 2001), ‘circulation’ (Graburn & Glass, 2004) and ‘art and agency’ (Gell, 1998; MacClancy, 1997a), I analyse how the Dayak Iban use the pua kumbu textile to renegotiate their periphery position within the nation of Malaysia (and within the bumiputera indigenous group) and to access more enabling social and economic opportunities. I also draw on the theoretical framework of ‘friction’ and ‘contact zones’ as outlined by Tsing (2005), Karp (2006) and Clifford (1997) to contextualize my discussion of the of the exhibition and representation of pua kumbu in museums. Each of these theoretical frameworks is applied to my data to situate and illustrate my arguments. Whereas in the past, it was the culture that required the object be made, now the object is made to do cultural work. The cloth, instead of revealing hidden symbols and meanings in its motifs, is now made to carry the culture, having itself become a symbol or marker for Iban people. Using an exploration of material culture to understand the complex, dynamic and flowing nature of the relationship between objects and the identities of the producers and consumer is the key contribution of this thesis.

Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-98). Also available online in Scholars' Bank.

A première vue, la poterie est une activité qui se pratique seule :la potière possède son propre atelier dans le village et est l’unique bénéficiaire de la vente de ses récipients. Néanmoins les enquêtes de terrain menées dans l’Arewa et le Kurfey oriental (Niger) révèlent qu’à chaque étape de la chaîne opératoire, l’artisane est en contact, plus ou moins proche, avec d’autres praticiennes (apprenties, artisanes de la localité ou d’autres localités). Ces contacts, organisés ou informels, prennent généralement place dans le contexte de certaines étapes de la chaîne opératoire à deux échelles d’analyse différentes :l’échelle villageoise par l’occupation d’un atelier et/ou d’un site de cuisson commun à divers artisanes et l’échelle extra villageoise par la fréquentation de sites d’extraction et de marchés partagés par des artisanes issues de localités différentes. Autant d’espaces de pratiques fréquentés par les potières susceptibles d’échanger leurs savoirs, collaborer et construire, ensemble, un répertoire de connaissances mobilisables. Quand une potière réalise son récipient, elle inscrit sa pratique dans un monde connu et habité. Sa technique est autant marquée par son apprentissage que par son identité familiale et villageoise ainsi que par ses interactions avec d’autres artisanes. Si on admet que chaque pratique est située et que la situation donne du sens à la pratique, il devient impératif d’examiner les situations de partage des savoirs ainsi que les cadres dans lesquels ces situations prennent place. Nous mettrons en évidence les points de contacts qui lient et interconnectent les artisanes d’une même localité et des différentes localités de la zone d’étude. Nous évaluerons les dimensions sociales et relationnelles de l’apprentissage de la poterie ainsi que la façon dont les habiletés sont conceptualisées et investies par les artisanes. En analysant le contexte d’apprentissage et de pratique des artisanes, nous souhaitons apporter un éclairage sur comment s’accroche le social et la technique et ainsi expliquer les configurations techniques observées au sein de la région d’étude. <p> / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

There has been considerable debate in the gender and development literature on income earning opportunities and their empowerment potential for women, particularly rural women, in developing countries. In this, a critical question for the empowerment of women is, does access to resources, for example, enterprise income, translate into power and its various manifestations for women within their households? This study argues that access to resources alone is not a sufficient prerequisite for empowerment. Improved access to resources will only transform into empowerment outcomes if women are able to exercise their agency to achieve desired outcomes. The study, therefore, highlights the centrality of agency in the empowerment process. Agency acts as a link between resources on the one hand and empowerment outcomes on the other. Furthermore, the relationship between agency and empowerment is dialectical as the two concepts under investigation are constitutive of each other. Put differently, enhanced agency results in empowerment, which in turn feeds back to increased agency, leading to further empowerment. Hence, empowerment is presented as both an outcome of the exercise of agency and a driver of agency. The study frames the question of agency and empowerment within feminist theory of agency - Western, African and South African. Using a case study of the Ikhowe Craft Group in rural Eshowe, the study examines the role of agency in the empowerment process for rural women crafters in two ways. Firstly, through the feminist political ecology approach, it evaluates their ability to access the natural resource, Cyperus spp. for use in craft making. Secondly, it examines their individual agency within their households and their collective agency in the Craft Group. Within the overarching feminist research paradigm, a mixed methods research methodology was used, which entailed embedding quantitative data collection and presentation within qualitative research techniques. The empirical evidence suggests that the women crafters’ agency was enacted and empowerment achieved within a context of enablement and constraints, with gender culture and traditional leadership emerging as significant variables that mediate the rural women’s agency within their households and in accessing the raw material for their craft. Gender and culture intersect to influence how the women construct their identities, roles and responsibilities within their households. Despite the constraints of social structure, the women emerge as important agents of social change in their households. In addition, the study has revealed the private sphere to be a significant site of both the women crafters’ agency and subordination. Hence, any conceptualization of women’s agency and empowerment, particularly that of rural women, needs to be context-specific to be able to adequately capture the realities of the women that impinge on their ability to act. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The cattail (Typha spp.) is the protagonist of the life histories of women extractivist-artisans, because it guarantees their sustainability in daily life. In this perspective, the main objective of the thesis was to point out how cattail promotes the socioenvironmental sustainability of women who attribute meanings to their actions as a way of surviving, in the face of the adversities of their daily lives. It had as specific objectives: to contextualize the actions and processes of women in the extraction of the Cattail, in order to influence the construction of socioenvironmental sustainability; identify spaces (social, educational, cultural and political) in which women express their experiences in daily life; to describe the meanings attributed by the woman to the extraction of the cattail in relation to the sociability and the commercialization of the products re-signified to the raw material of Typha spp. To achieve the objectives, oral history was used interwoven with social phenomenology, which allowed us to recall events and facts that led the women extractivist-artisans of cattail - as well as extractive-artisans from Ouricuri straw, fishermen, lace makers, seamstresses, straw braids artisans, housekeepers, ministers, sisters, mothers and wives - to incorporate in their routine ways of resisting and sustaining the family in the place of daily life. In this case, the research locus was the municipality of Pacatuba, State of Sergipe, Brazil. We also used interviews-dialogues, semistructured questionnaires, participation in meetings and events, field journals, theoretical readings and photographs as methodological tools, which allowed us to systematize the thesis. We conclude that, for extractive-artisan women, sustainability is delineated in daily life through actions that aim to keep Typha spp. in constant production and growth. It is not something that is discussed, it is something that is done, and it was transmitted to them by previous generations and by processes of observation of the daily life, especially since the knowledge of the correct management is passed from artisan to artisan, during the harvest, as well as in meetings in associations, craft centers, group meetings and also in prayer spaces. Finally, the meaning that these extractivist-artisans attribute to the cattail is summed up in one word: everything. "[...] The Cattail to us is everything".________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ / L’arbre Taboa est la protagoniste des histories de vie des femmes artisans et faisantes de l’extractivisme, en raison de la garantie de leur maintenance dans la vie quotidienne. Ainsi, l’objectif central de cette thèse est exposer comment le Taboa (Thypha spp.) permet la viabilité de l’environnement et sociale des femmes qui mettent signification dans ces actions comme une forme de survivre avant les adversités de leur vie. Comme des objectifs spécifiques, la thèse contextualise les actions et les procès des femmes dans l’extraction de Taboa pour influencer dans la construction de durabilité socio-environnemental; elle identifie les espaces (sociaux, de l’éducation, culturels, politiques) dans lesquels les femmes expriment leurs expériences quotidiennes; décrit les significations attribués par ces femmes à l’extraction de Taboa en relation à la durabilité et commercialisation des produits de le Thypha spp. Pour la concrétisation de la thèse, on s’utilise de l’histoire oral ainsi comme de la méthode de la phénoménologie sociale, qui a en permis revoir la construction des faits responsables pour l’incorporation, pour partie de ces femmes artisans de Taboa, (ainsi como les artisans de “palha do Ouricuri”, pêcheuses, dentellières, couturières, femmes blanchisseuses, femmes de ménage, femmes pasteurs, soeurs, mères et femmes) dans leur quotidien, formes de résister et maintenir leurs familles. Dans ce cas là, le locus de recherche est le ville de Pacatuba, Sergipe, Brèsil. On s’utilise aussi des interviews-dialogues, des questionnaires semi-structuré, des participations dans des événements, des registres de recherche en locus, de la littérature de théorie et des photos, comme instrument méthodologique qui permet la systématisation de la thèse. On peut conclure que, pour les femmes artisans et faisantes de l’extractivisme, la durabilité habite dans la vie quotidienne, à travers des actions qui visent maintenir le Thypha spp en constant production et développement. Pour ces femmes, ce n’est pas quelque chose à discuter, mais à faire, une coutume transmise par des générations précédentes et des procès d’observation du quotidien, surtout parce que cette connaissance de manipulation est apprise d’artisan à artisan, pendant les périodes de la récolte, et dans les rencontres des associations, les centres d’artisanat, les réunions de groupe d’artisans, ainsi comme dans les espaces de prière. Enfin, le résumé de la signification que ces femmes artisans mettent à Taboa, est le mot ‘tout’: “Le Taboa est tout pour nous”. / A taboa é a protagonista das histórias de vida das mulheres extrativistas-artesãs, em razão da garantia da sua sustentabilidade no cotidiano. Nesta perspectiva, o objetivo central da tese foi explicitar como a taboa (Typha spp.) promove a sustentabilidade socioambiental de mulheres que atribuem significados às suas ações como forma de sobreviver, diante das adversidades do seu cotidiano. Teve como objetivos específicos: contextualizar as ações e processos das mulheres na extração da taboa, de modo a influenciar na construção da sustentabilidade socioambiental; identificar espaços (sociais, educacionais, culturais e políticos) em que as mulheres exprimem suas vivências no cotidiano; descrever os significados atribuídos pela mulher à extração da taboa, em relação à sociabilidade e à comercialização dos produtos ressignificados à matéria-prima da Typha spp. Para concretização, foi utilizada a história oral entrelaçada à fenomenologia social, que permitiu rememorar eventos e fatos que levaram as mulheres extrativistas-artesãs da taboa - bem como as extrativistas-artesãs da palha do Ouricuri, pescadoras, rendeiras, costureiras, trançadeiras, lavadeiras, passadeiras, faxineiras, pastoras, irmãs, mães e esposas - a incorporarem em sua rotina formas de resistir e sustentar a família no local de vida cotidiana. Neste caso, o locus da pesquisa foi o município de Pacatuba, Estado de Sergipe, Brasil. Utilizou-se também entrevistas-diálogos, questionários semiestruturados, participação em encontros e eventos, diários de campo, leituras teóricas e fotografias como instrumentos metodológicos, que permitiram sistematizar a tese. Concluímos que, para as mulheres extrativistas-artesãs, sustentabilidade delineia-se no cotidiano por meio de ações que objetivam manter a Typha spp em constante produção e crescimento. Não é algo que se discute, é algo que se faz, e que lhes foi transmitido pelas gerações anteriores e por processos de observação do cotidiano, sobretudo porque o conhecimento do manejo correto é passado de artesã para artesã, durante a colheita, e nos encontros nas associações, centros de artesanatos, reuniões do grupo e também em espaços de oração. Por fim, o significado que essas extrativistas-artesãs atribuem à taboa se resume em uma palavra: tudo. “[...]A taboa pra nós é tudo”. / São Cristóvão, SE