So Ka Lok Carol. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-200). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction / Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Research Puzzle --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3 --- Research Questions and Major Thesis --- p.6 / Chapter 1.4 --- Layout of the Thesis --- p.8 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Analytical Framework / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2 --- State Feminism and the Stetson and Mazur Model --- p.12 / Chapter 2.3 --- The Macro Movement Dynamics: Political Opportunities Structure --- p.25 / Chapter 2.4 --- The Micro Movement Dynamics: Framing Political Opportunities --- p.33 / Chapter 2.5 --- Analytical Framework --- p.37 / Chapter 2.6 --- Methodological Orientations --- p.44 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Women's Policy Machineries in Hong Kong: A Historical and Structural Overview / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.51 / Chapter 3.2 --- Paving the Road --- p.51 / Chapter 3.3 --- "The Equal Opportunities Commission: The ""Equality"" Project" --- p.55 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Appointment of Members: The Critical but Mysterious Process --- p.57 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- EOC as Characterized by Investigation and Conciliation --- p.59 / Chapter 3.4 --- Women's Commission: The Umbrella Organization --- p.60 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- Actions of WoC --- p.62 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- Appointment of WoC Members --- p.63 / Chapter 3.4.3 --- The Structure of WoC: Following the International Pace? --- p.64 / Chapter 3.4.4 --- Relationship Between EOC and WoC --- p.66 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Struggling for a Seat: Participation in the Political Arena / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.69 / Chapter 4.2 --- Gaining an Entrance --- p.70 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- The Significance of Gaining an Entrance --- p.79 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Obstacles in Entering the System --- p.81 / Chapter 4.3 --- Collaborations and Participations with the System --- p.89 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Gender Mainstreaming: the Decision Making Process / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.100 / Chapter 5.2 --- Defining the Equal Opportunities Agenda --- p.101 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- "The Legalistic Role: ""Three Ordinances Commission""?" --- p.102 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Equal Opportunities as the Balancing of Interests among Different Parties --- p.104 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Conciliation and the Role of the EOC --- p.106 / Chapter 5.2.4 --- Structural Barriers in the Equal Opportunities Agenda --- p.113 / Chapter 5.3 --- Defining the Gender Mainstreaming Agenda --- p.115 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- The Conception of Gender Mainstreaming and the Role of the WoC --- p.116 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Defining Women Issues and Empowerment: The Capacity Building Mileage Programme --- p.123 / Chapter 5.4 --- The Equality Stool and the Gender Mainstreaming Agenda --- p.128 / Chapter 5.5 --- Barriers for Placing Women's Issues on the Political Agenda --- p.133 / Chapter 5.5.1 --- From Women to the Women's Policy Machineries --- p.134 / Chapter 5.5.2 --- From the Central Mechanism to the Government Political Agenda --- p.139 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Towards a New Women's Movement Agenda / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.144 / Chapter 6.2 --- State Feminism and the Institutionalization of Women's Movement --- p.145 / Chapter 6.3 --- Entering the Institution: an Inevitable Dilemma --- p.148 / Chapter 6.4 --- The Third Face of Power: The Underlying Thesis --- p.159 / Chapter 6.5 --- Political Opportunities under the State-feminization --- p.161 / Chapter 6.5.1 --- Political Opportunities and the Transformation of Movement Agenda --- p.161 / Chapter 6.5.2 --- Recapturing the Political Opportunities: the Empowerment Process --- p.163 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion: Towards a Diversified Conception of State Feminism and Feminist Movement Politics --- p.171 / Appendices / Appendix I Interview Questions --- p.183 / Appendix II Details of the Interviewees --- p.185 / Appendix III Mission of EOC and WoC --- p.187 / Appendix IV SDO Chapter 480 Section63 --- p.188 / Bibliography --- p.189

This thesis examines the history of female immigrant domestic labour in Canada from a socialist feminist perspective. Over the past hundred years, Canadian immigration policy with respect to domestic workers became increasingly regressive with the shift in the racial composition of foreign female domestics. The women's movement contributed to this change as gains in Canadian women's public rights did not effectively challenge the dominant social paradigm of women's roles, and so left intact the public-private divide and the sexual division of labour to which were allied biases of race and class. The women's movement thus became an unwitting participant in the formulation of regressive immigration policies which rebounded on the women's movement itself, reinforcing its internal divisions.

This dissertation is the first study of state feminism in a non-western nation state, focusing on the activities and roles of the Women's Bureau of the Ministry of Labor in post-World War II Japan. While state feminism theory possesses a strong capability to examine state-society relationships in terms of feminist policymaking, it tends to neglect a state's activity in improving women's status and rights in non-western nations where the feminist movements are apathetic or antagonistic to the state and where the state also creates a vertical relationship with feminist groups. To apply the state feminism theory to examine activities of a state institute for women in non-Western nations, I created new analytical factors, domestic and international master frames, which show how policymakers and activists collaborate on policymaking at a domestic level and how policymakers utilize international standards to create the domestic master frame. Using the two-level-analysis of domestic and international politics in terms of creation of master frames together with the existing institutional and mobilizing structural variables, this dissertation presents a detailed study of the activities and roles of the Japanese women's bureau as an initiator and facilitator of gender equality in the process of agenda setting for the equal opportunity laws by utilizing international influence to persuade the opposition and as an interest mediator in the process of decision-making for them. The empirical evidence presented also demonstrates that the change of roles arose from the lack of the following factors: 1) limited resources and institutional capability caused by the marginalization of the women's bureau within the government, 2) the lack of a domestic master frame on the issue of gender equality between the women's bureau and women activists, and 3) the lack of mobilizing structures that provide women's groups the access to political decision-making to reflect their opinions. The combination of these factors hindered policymaking on gender equality and created a gradual and incremental progress toward gender equality in Japan. The way to gender equality in Japan is different from the western nations. Yet, this is a way that other non-western nations have also advanced and will follow in. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 253-274). / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / xiii, 274 leaves, bound 29 cm

Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Technology: Business Administration (Entrepreneurship) in the Faculty of Business at the CAPE PENINSULA UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY / The South African government, to accelerate economic growth and development, has identified the Small Medium Micro Enterprises (SMME) sector, and female entrepreneurs, as vehicles capable of bringing about this change. Unfortunately, this growth has been stifled due to the high failure rate of entrepreneurial businesses in the SMME sector. A possible solution for female entrepreneurs is the introduction of start-up support services to empower them to be successful. Empowering entrepreneurs is the function of nurturing and supporting entrepreneurs by providing them with professional skills development and moral support, to impact positively on the business’s sustainability. There is a clear need to widen access to business start-up training and advice to encourage larger numbers of women to embrace self-employment. This implies offering a wide range of start-up support services which encourage women to go into business. Women enter business from a variety of backgrounds and with a wide range of experience. The provision of business start-up training and advice needs to accommodate these very different experiences. Women attending entrepreneurship programmes have often criticised these programmes as being male-orientated and prescriptive. Women are expected to conform to male models and standards of behaviour. While this study relates specifically to female entrepreneurs in the Western Cape, it is set in the context of female entrepreneurship in South Africa. The target population for the research was 150 female entrepreneurs in the Tourism industry in the Western Cape. The study is quantitative in nature, using the survey method for better understanding of the research problem. The study aimed to understand the needs of female entrepreneurs, and to underscore the significance of skills and knowledge transfer from the government to female entrepreneurs. The research explored the role of government in empowering female entrepreneurs in the Tourism industry in Western Cape, and identified support services that can be used to promote the growth and development of female entrepreneurs. Possible solutions to failure rates of female entrepreneurship are also addressed, with specific models for improved business support services for all female entrepreneurs in the Tourism industry in the Western Cape. This will help them to run sustainable businesses as well as provide more jobs. This research recommends that management capability and financial management acumen be regarded as key to success for funding by the entrepreneurs themselves, and the parties involved in supporting and promoting them.

No description available.

This thesis examines women's issues and the political agenda. Several factors affect the likelihood of a women's issue getting onto the formal political agenda of government (municipal, provincial, and federal). The nature of the issue (the degree to which it challenges the status quo) affects the political outcome: those issues which have fit into current and historical legislative patterns (such as welfare state guidelines) have been more successful. A patriarchal family ideology places limitations on the proper role of women: women have held primary responsibility for the care of children and family. Women's labour force participation creates parameters for government involvement in issues such as childcare. The lobbying and organizational skills of the political actors involved are prerequisites for gaining access to government decision-makers. While the entry of women into the political arena has not insured the entry of women's issues onto the political agenda, female politicians have been especially important in bringing women's issues forward for debate and action. However, government bureaucracy has often been a barrier in the implementation of legislation concerning women's issues. I present a case study of a particular women's issue (childcare) at the municipal level of government. Five locations are examined in the Greater Vancouver area, using a combination of qualitative methods (personal interviews) and quantitative research techniques (government statistics, official documents, and reports from a variety of community organizations). In spite of the steadily increasing labour force participation of women in all locations, the response of local governments to the childcare issue has varied greatly — childcare is on Vancouver's political agenda but not that of the four district municipalities examined. Vancouver's involvement has been more comprehensive and longterm (more childcare spaces, an involved Social Planning Department, two task forces, a Children's Advocate, and buildings and sites for childcare purposes). The response of municipal councils continues to reflect patriarchal notions of the family (where childcare is a private, family responsibility). Alternatively, Vancouver council has recognized a permanent restructuring of the family and the ongoing involvement of the larger community in childcare. At the same time, the lobbying approach of Vancouver childcare advocates has followed long established patterns concerning childcare and governments -- the argument has been based on child welfare, not the rights or welfare of women. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

This inquiry explored the everyday struggles of several women who worked as coordinators and instructors in three government-funded job-entry programs for women in the non-profit sector. The programs studied included an entry program for native women, a program which trained immigrant women in bookkeeping skills, and a program which trained women on social assistance to enter the construction trades. The work of the staff in these programs was considered in light of a theoretical framework developed by Nancy Fraser. Fraser has called for a different approach -- a more critical discourse-oriented inquiry -- to the study of social-welfare policies and programs. This approach focuses on the political struggle over the interpretation of needs, particularly women's needs, which she sees as central to social-welfare policy-making. In her study of the American system, she has found that "needs talk" is the medium through which inequalities are symbolically elaborated and challenged. She also has found that needs talk is stratified and differentiated by unequal status, power, and access to resources, and organized along lines of class, gender, race, ethnicity and age. For this study, information was collected through interviews with the staff in the three programs, observations of life skills classes, and examination of program proposals. Government and government-related documents were also examined. The analysis revealed that, in the official policy documents at the national level, women’s needs were interpreted within a dominant policy framework which focused on reducing spending, matching workers to the market and privatizing training programs. Programs for women were developed based upon a "thin” understanding of women's needs -- one which focused on women’s lack of training and job experience and ignored the structural inequalities of the labour market and women’s different racial and class struggles. At the local level, analysis of the interviews, observations and documents indicated that the staff struggled to respond to the trainees' diverse and complex needs which the official policy discourse addressed in only a limited way. In their negotiations with the state, the staff employed a plurality of needs discourses, engaging in a process which both challenged and reproduced the dominant policy orientation toward getting women "jobs, any jobs”. There were moments of resistance by the staff to the dominant policy orientation, most notably in the program for native women. The trainees also challenged the narrow interpretation of women's needs, particularly in the program training women to enter the construction trades. Generally speaking, the analysis indicated that the staff played a crucial role in mediating between women and the state and in producing a kind of discourse which tended to construct the trainees as subjects needing to be "fixed". The analysis also revealed that the relationships between staff, trainees and the state were organized around unequal access to resources based on gender, race and class. In order to transcend the limitations outlined in this study, efforts are required to democratize decision-making, collectively organize the non-profit private sector, challenge privatization and the exploitive practices of the state, and bring alternative approaches which support participatory and dialogical processes of need interpretation. The analysis brings to light the importance of studying the implications of state policies on adult education practice, particularly policies which promote privatization. It also reveals the explanatory power of a feminist theoretical framework which provides a more critical, discourse-oriented approach to examining policy and practice, and the usefulness of this framework for further research and political advocacy.

This inquiry explored the everyday struggles of several women who worked as coordinators and instructors in three government-funded job-entry programs for women in the non-profit sector. The programs studied included an entry program for native women, a program which trained immigrant women in bookkeeping skills, and a program which trained women on social assistance to enter the construction trades. The work of the staff in these programs was considered in light of a theoretical framework developed by Nancy Fraser. Fraser has called for a different approach -- a more critical discourse-oriented inquiry -- to the study of social-welfare policies and programs. This approach focuses on the political struggle over the interpretation of needs, particularly women's needs, which she sees as central to social-welfare policy-making. In her study of the American system, she has found that "needs talk" is the medium through which inequalities are symbolically elaborated and challenged. She also has found that needs talk is stratified and differentiated by unequal status, power, and access to resources, and organized along lines of class, gender, race, ethnicity and age. For this study, information was collected through interviews with the staff in the three programs, observations of life skills classes, and examination of program proposals. Government and government-related documents were also examined. The analysis revealed that, in the official policy documents at the national level, women’s needs were interpreted within a dominant policy framework which focused on reducing spending, matching workers to the market and privatizing training programs. Programs for women were developed based upon a "thin” understanding of women's needs -- one which focused on women’s lack of training and job experience and ignored the structural inequalities of the labour market and women’s different racial and class struggles. At the local level, analysis of the interviews, observations and documents indicated that the staff struggled to respond to the trainees' diverse and complex needs which the official policy discourse addressed in only a limited way. In their negotiations with the state, the staff employed a plurality of needs discourses, engaging in a process which both challenged and reproduced the dominant policy orientation toward getting women "jobs, any jobs”. There were moments of resistance by the staff to the dominant policy orientation, most notably in the program for native women. The trainees also challenged the narrow interpretation of women's needs, particularly in the program training women to enter the construction trades. Generally speaking, the analysis indicated that the staff played a crucial role in mediating between women and the state and in producing a kind of discourse which tended to construct the trainees as subjects needing to be "fixed". The analysis also revealed that the relationships between staff, trainees and the state were organized around unequal access to resources based on gender, race and class. In order to transcend the limitations outlined in this study, efforts are required to democratize decision-making, collectively organize the non-profit private sector, challenge privatization and the exploitive practices of the state, and bring alternative approaches which support participatory and dialogical processes of need interpretation. The analysis brings to light the importance of studying the implications of state policies on adult education practice, particularly policies which promote privatization. It also reveals the explanatory power of a feminist theoretical framework which provides a more critical, discourse-oriented approach to examining policy and practice, and the usefulness of this framework for further research and political advocacy. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

Thesis (MPA (Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the democratic dispensation in South Africa, attempts were made in earlier studies to make recommendations for the implementation of gender equity in the labour markets. Until now companies and public service departments have done little to ensure gender equity. Most efforts made were merely window-dressing given that previous studies provide evidence of fewer female employments in Senior Management Service (SMS) positions across the public service. South Africa has introduced a legal framework to support the Employment Equity Act, 1998 (RSA, Act 55 of 1998). The study sets out to evaluate the extent of gender equity implementation in Limpopo Provincial Department of Sport, Arts and Culture. The EEA, 1998 (RSA, Act 55 of 1998) aims to redress employment inequalities previously experienced by racially, culturally and sexually marginalized South Africans. Departmental human resource processes are evaluated to establish equity measures necessary to achieve the purpose of the EEA, 1998 (RSA, Act 55 of 1998). This study reviews employment equity practices from various countries to establish best practice. Issues and proposed strategies for improvements surrounding employment equity legislation in South Africa are also highlighted. The study is extended to other departments to establish accountability standards as well as actions and penalties available for noncompliance. The findings from the study indicate that women are mostly employed in middle management while male employees continue to dominate the top management in spite of the Department of Public Service and Administration’s (DPSA) strategic goal to reach a 50% equal employment at SMS by 31 March 2009. Suggestions are provided to accelerate implementation of gender equity in Limpopo Provincial Department of Sport, Arts and Culture. Given that the study was based on a representative sample of a single public service department, the findings may as a result not be generalized to the entire South African public service. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die demokratiese bedeling in Suid-Afrika was pogings in vroeë studies aangewend om aanbevelings te maak vir die implementering van geslagsgelykheid in die arbeidsmark. Tot dus- ver het maatskappye en staatsdiens departemente min gedoen om geslagsgelykheid te bevorder. Talle pogings wat aangewend was, is niks meer nie as uiterlike vertoon, gegee die feit dat vorige studies bewysstukke lewer van minder vroulike indiensneming in Senior Bestuursdiens (SBD) posisies deur die staatsdiens. Suid -Afrika het `n wetgewende raamwerk ingestel om die Gelyke Indiensnemingswet, 1998 (RSA, Wet 55 van1998) te ondersteun. Die studie het ten doel om die implementering van geslagsgelykheid in die Limpopo Provinsiale Departement van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur te evalueer. Die GIW, 1998 (RSA, Wet 55 van 1998) beoog om die indiensnemings ongelykhede te herstel, wat voorheen ondervind was deur rasse, kulturele en geslagtelik gemarginaliseerde Suid-Afrikaners. Departementele menslike hulpbron prosesse word beoordeel ten einde die billikheidsmaatreëls te bepaal wat nodig is om die doelwitte van die GIW, 1998 (RSA, Wet 55 van 1998) te bereik. Hierdie studie raadpleeg gelyke indiensnemings praktyke van verskillende lande ten einde die beste praktyk te stig. Aangeleenthede en voorgestelde strategieë vir die bevordering van wetgewing oor gelyke indiensneming in Suid-Afrika word ook beklemtoon. Die studie word uitgebrei na ander departemente om standaarde oor aanspreeklikheid te bepaal, asook optrede en strafmaatreëls vir nie-voldoening daaraan. Die bevinding van die studie dui daarop dat vrouens meestal op middel bestuursvlak in diens geneem word, terwyl manlike werknemers aanhou om die top bestuursvlak te domineer, ten spyte van die Departement van Staatsdiens en Administrasie (DSDA) se strategiese doelwit om 50% gelyke indiensneming op SBD- vlak teen 31 Maart 2009 te bereik. Aanbevelings word gemaak om die implementering van geslagsgelykheid te versnel in die Limpopo Provinsiale Departement van Sport, Kuns en Kultuur. Gegee die feit dat die studie gebaseer was op `n verteenwoordigende monster van `n enkele staatsdiens departement, mag die bevindinge gevolglik nie veralgemeen word met die totale Suid-Afrikaanse staatsdiens nie.

This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a