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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

The effects of women's labour migration on the family : perceptions of the labour migrant.

January 2008 (has links)
This research was carried out between June and July 2008 among migrant labour women who work in the clothes manufacturing industries of Lesotho. It aimed at uncovering the effects that women's absence in families has on their families, basing itself on the assumption that women employees of manufacturing industries of Maseru are migrants from rural areas whose families remain in the rural areas. The three main findings in the research are that; men do not remain in rural areas but migrate and work in the manufacturing industries in Maseru as well, while children remain behind in the care of either maternal or paternal extended family. Secondly, this set up (men migrating with their wives) has enhanced marital relationships of migrant labour women, while children of migrant labour women have been affected negatively by being separated from their mothers. A third finding that emerged in this study is that women indulge in extramarital affairs even when they live and stay in the same place with their husbands. Finally, this paper recommends strategies that may ensure that mothers and children maintain a healthy relationship and it makes suggestions pertaining to the spread of HIV in the manufacturing industries. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2008.
2

'n Empiriese ontleding van die ekonomiese, sosiale en politieke rol van die vrou in 'n Suid-Afrikaanse konteks

04 September 2012 (has links)
M.Comm. / The main purpose of this study is an evaluation and empirical analysis of the economical, social and political role of women in a South African context. The subject is a widely discussed topic both internationally and in South Africa. The increasing importance of women in the social, political and economic arena is being realized and taken as a given part of development in any country. Within the social structure of an economy, the importance of the education system cannot be over emphasized. Opportunities for women in this aspect has increased rapidly over the past two decades, but a significant gap still exists between men and women. The connection between poverty and education is discussed, and it is found that there is a definite correlation. The higher the level of education, the lower the level of poverty. The supply of adequate health services are also a problem in most countries, including South Africa. Important aspects such as abortions and violence against women are also under discussion. The political arena is most probably the area where women is the least represented. Opportunities are scarce and the political scene is still one of male dominance. However, South Africa is definitely seen as one of the leaders in developing counties in opening doors for women in obtaining seats in regional 'councils and parliament. Concerning women's economic role, women earn far less than men for similar type of work done, and men are usually placed in more challenging positions. The distribution of income worldwide as well as in South Africa is still not evenly spread
3

Die politieke betrokkenheid van Kontak en Vroue vir Vrede, 1976-1990

Strydom, Willemien 23 August 2012 (has links)
M.A. / The dissertation analyses the political involvement of two women's organisations, Kontak and Women for Peace, during the period 1976-1990. Both organisations were established in the political watershed year of 1976. Kontak had its roots in `verligte' Afrikaner thinking concerned primarily about the image of the Afrikaner as oppressor. Women for Peace stemmed from the heart of liberal capitalist thinking fearing that the welfare community was under threat. Both organisations thus arose from the privileged white establishment and in this aspect differ from the many other women's organisations that existed in the period under review. The meaning of "political involvement" is defined in the study and evaluated in terms of the protest registered against the apartheid system, the ideological stand that was taken and the extent to which race relations improved. The latter was after all an essential objective of both organisations, more particularly to end conflict than to ensure a complete transition to democracy. The positioning, objective and conduct of the abovementioned organisations must of necessity be highlighted against the background of the oppressive political situation of the day. For this reason the study provides an overview of the political context within which the organisations had to function. It commences with the riots of 1976 when the National Party came under increasing pressure to scale down apartheid and make it more acceptable. Mention is made of the power of the National Party to equate matters of national interest with discrete party political interests. Further mention is made of the unbridgeable gap between intra-parliamentary and extra-parliamentary politics and how the decisive power of the latter was publicly suppressed. The impossibility of "political neutrality" is emphasised and that was precisely the label that the two organisations under discussion would have liked to attach to themselves. Kontak and Women for Peace were not the only players in the field of women's organisations. The study briefly discusses a few of the other main players such as the ANC Women's League, Inkatha's Women's Brigade and the Black Sash. Both Kontak and Women for Peace explicitly stated that they wished to seek reconciliation and peace between privileged whites and disadvantaged blacks "outside of the party-political arena". Neither of them could escape their political roots, however. The new enlightenment in the National Party for example prevented Kontak from taking an increasingly critical stand against apartheid. In the same way the much sharper voice of the Women for Peace was silenced by the approval of liberal PFP thinking. Both organisations registered protest within the safety of intra-parliamentary politics. They constituted no revolutionary threat for the apartheid state and their leaders were neither imprisoned nor banned. In summary it can be said that both Kontak and Women for Peace were able to realise the objectives of reconciliation within their chosen but limited target groups. Praiseworthy projects were undertaken and strong anti-apartheid positions were adopted. Democratic adjustments were constantly made with regard to membership, leadership hierarchy and language orientation. As far as the political main stream was concerned both, however, were wrongly positioned. The black majority moved in extra-parliamentary circles, outside the field of experience and even the protest actions of privileged whites. For this reason Kontak and Women for Peace were unable to contribute directly to the democratic transition to black majority rule but to some extent succeeded in sensitising the privileged white communities to accept change.
4

Exploring the local economic development initiatives for unemployed rural women in Mandeni municipality

Dhlodhlo, Lindelani Mkhumbuzi 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPA (Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Unemployment and poverty have an adverse effect on society and proactive and sustainable measures are needed to deal with it. Women and rural women in particular, form the most affected group when it comes to unemployment and poverty. Illiteracy and underdevelopment are the major barriers to the advancement of unemployed rural women. Women in rural settings in most cases rely on local economic development (LED) initiatives for day-to-day survival. Local government has a constitutional mandate to promote social and economic development in order to improve the quality life for the citizens of South Africa. This mandate has been followed by a number of policy documents and guidelines for LED to enable local authorities to perform this task efficiently. The concept of LED is a micro approach in that it deals directly with local issues of economic development through partnerships between communities, business, workers, development agencies and governmental agencies to promote local economy. There is a pressing need for local government to be proactive in dealing with issues of rural development and in supporting LED initiatives of rural women. The literature review covers the theoretical framework of LED through examining both international and domestic practices. The review deals with the history of LED, the LED concept, development theories, evaluation of the practices of LED, as well as participatory development, pro-poor LED, and tourism as a response to LED. It further assesses the contextual framework of LED with particular attention to South African policy and practice. The state of LED in South Africa is discussed, together with the way forward for LED. The study provides an investigation into the background of the Mandeni Municipality by looking at the demographic factors and geographical location of the area. The state of LED in Mandeni Municipality is highlighted, together with LED strategy for the Municipality, and major future development associated with LED. The study clearly portrays that there is a gap between the LED initiatives of the unemployed rural women and the Municipality. The strategic location of the Municipality facilitates future economic prospects for the area and new development proposals associated with LED. It is clear from the LED Unit structure in Mandeni Municipality that there is a lack of capacity to deal with the LED challenges and local economic initiatives. From the literature review it is clear that women are critical role players in LED because of their ability to initiate community-based economic development projects and to perform multi-task activities. It is evident that strong partnerships with various LED stakeholders working directly with low-income communities can play a meaningful role in alleviating poverty, and in the creation of employment. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Werkloosheid en armoede het vandag .n nadelige invloed op die gemeenskap en proaktiewe en volhoubare maatreels is nodig om dit hok te slaan. Wat werkloosheid en armoede betref, val vroue onder die groepe wat die meeste geraak word, veral plattelandse vroue. Ongeletterdheid en onderontwikkeling is die vernaamste hindernisse vir die vooruitgang van werklose plattelandse vroue. Vroue in .n plattelandse milieu steun sterk op plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkelingsinisiatiewe vir hulle dag tot dag oorlewing. Plaaslike regering het .n konstitusionele mandaat om maatskaplike en ekonomiese ontwikkeling te bevorder ten einde die lewenskwaliteit van burgers van Suid-Afrika te verbeter. .n Enorme behoefte bestaan dat die plaaslike regering proaktief moet optree wanneer aangeleenthede rakende plattelandse ontwikkeling en ondersteuning van plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkelings-inisiatiewe vir plattelandse vroue aangespreek word. Op beleidsvlak het Suid-Afrika sterk klem geplaas op plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkeling as maatreel om sosio-ekonomiese toestande vir plattelandse gemeenskappe te verbeter. Plattelandse vroue staar egter reuse uitdagings rondom onderontwikkeling in die gesig. Die groot probleem vir hierdie navorsing is dat die Mandeni munisipaliteit se plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkelingsprogramme, wat vroue as voorheen gemarginaliseerde en kwesbare groepe teiken, onsigbaar is. Plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkelingsinisiatiewe geskied in isolasie van die munisipaliteit en daar blyk maar .n powere vennootskap tussen die munisipaliteit en plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkelingsinisiatiewe wat deur vroue gevoer word, te wees. Die Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkelingseenheid (LED-eenheid), wat oor .n mandaat beskik vir die implementering van plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkelingsprogramme, het .n niksseggende rol in die bevordering van plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkelingsprogramme vir plaaslike werklose vroue gespeel. Daarbenewens is daar baie vroue onder die bevolking van die Mandeni-munisipaliteit en die meerderheid van hulle is werkloos. Die vernaamste doelwitte van hierdie studie was om probleme te identifiseer wat die LED-eenheid gehad het met die implementering van LED-programme vir die werklose vrou en om sy vlak van deelname, in belang van die werklose plattelandse vroue, te assesseer. Die fokusgroep-metode is tydens navorsing ingespan met die insameling van data oor die twee verskillende vroueorganisasies wat plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkelingsprojekte geinisieer het. Voorts is die onderhoud-metode tydens die studie toegepas vir die insameling van data rondom die drie munisipale amptenare en die Speaker van die munisipaliteit. Die vernaamste bevindinge van die navorsing toon duidelik dat daar .n gaping bestaan tussen LED-inisiatiewe deur die plattelandse werklose vroue en die Mandeni-munisipaliteit. Die bevindinge van die studie dui daarop dat die LED-eenheidstruktuur van die Mandeni-munisipaliteit oor onvoldoende fondse beskik en gebrek toon aan die nodige vermoe om die plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkelingsuitdagings en plaaslike ekonomiese inisiatiewe van die werklose plattelandse vroue te hanteer. Dit is duidelik dat vroue kritiese rolspelers in plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkeling is weens hulle vermoe om gemeenskapsgebaseerde ekonomiese ontwikkelingsprojekte te inisieer en hulle kennis om veelvuldige taakbedrywighede van stapel te laat loop. Ten slotte beveel die studie aan dat die LED-eenheid geherstruktureer word om die LED-agterstande binne die Mandeni-munisipaliteit aan te spreek, dat daar behoorlike koordinering van LED-programme moet wees, en dat die plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkelingsinisiatiewe vir vroue sterk deur die Mandeni-munisipaliteit gesteun moet word.
5

The role of the media in framing President Jacob Zumas multiple or concurrent sexual relationships as cultural polygamy

Davies-Laubscher, Nicola 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Many questions have been asked as to why sub-Saharan Africa, and particularly South Africa, has such a high incidence of HIV/AIDS. While social and economic power imbalances between the sexes, coupled by the biological vulnerability of women, play an important role in the rapid spread of South Africa’s HIV/AIDS epidemic, what truly seems to set South Africa apart from the rest of the world is the high incidence of multiple or concurrent sexual relationships. Multiple or concurrent sexual relationships are defined as sexual partnerships that overlap in time, when one partnership starts before another terminates. These types of relationships have the potential to create complex sexual networks – commonly referred to as a “sexual superhighway” – for the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, most notably HIV/AIDS. While the practice of multiple or concurrent sexual relationships is to a large extent under-reported by the South African media, a great deal of media attention is given to President Jacob Zuma’s practice of polygamy as a Zulu cultural tradition. The researcher proposes that Zuma’s intimate partnerships stray from the well-defined parameters of cultural polygamy and that he does, in fact, has multiple or concurrent sexual relationships that fall outside the boundaries of polygamy. The researcher further proposes that the example set by the President in his personal life has an effect on the general morality of the South African people and especially on women’s status in society. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Baie vrae is al gevra oor hoekom sub-Sahara Afrika, en spesifiek Suid-Afrika, so ʼn hoë voorkoms van MIV/Vigs het. ʼn Sosiale en ekonomiese magswanbalans tussen mans en vroue, tesame met die verhoogde biologiese kwesbaarheid van vroue vir seksueel-oordraagbare siektes, speel ʼn rol in die vinnige verspreiding van die MIV/Vigs epidemie in Suid-Afrika maar wat ons blykbaar onderskei van die res van die wêreld is die hoë voorkoms van veelvuldige of samelopende seksuele verhoudings. Veelvuldige of samelopende seksuele verhoudings word gedefinieer as verhoudings wat oorvleuel of waar een verhouding begin voordat ʼn vorige verhouding beëindig is. Hierdie tipe verhoudings het die potensiaal om komplekse seksuele netwerke te vorm – algemeen beskryf as “seksuele super-snelweë” – waarbinne seksueel-oordraagbare siektes, insluitende MIV/Vigs, vinnig kan versprei. Terwyl veelvuldige of samelopende seksuele verhoudings min aandag geniet in die Suid-Afrikaanse media, is daar wel ʼn fokus op President Jacob Zuma se uitlewing van sy Zulu-tradisie van poligamie. Die navorser stel egter voor dat Zuma se intieme verhoudings afwyk van die goedge-definieerde riglyne van kulturele poligamie en dat hy in werklikheid eerder veelvuldige of samelopende seksuele verhoudings het wat buite die reëls van poligamie val. Die navorser stel verder voor dat die voorbeeld wat die President in sy persoonlike lewe stel ʼn uitwerking het op die moraliteit van Suid-Afrikaners en veral op die status van vroue in die samelewing.

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