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劉細良. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Manuscript (computer printout) / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [5-13] (last group)). / Liu Xiliang. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 / Chapter 1) --- 問題的提出 --- p.1 / Chapter 2) --- 理論架構 --- p.22 / Chapter a) --- 新傳統主義的批評 --- p.23 / Chapter b) --- 理性選擇理論 --- p.29 / Chapter 第二章 --- 一九八四年後的國營企業 / Chapter 1) --- 企業內權力分配 --- p.42 / Chapter 2) --- 廠長的理性選擇 --- p.59 / Chapter 3) --- 改革後國營企業的內部矛盾 --- p.68 / Chapter 第三章 --- 工人的集體意識與偏順序（perference order） / Chapter 1) --- 工具性取向（instrumentalism） --- p.109 / Chapter 2) --- 糢糊階級意識 --- p.115 / Chapter 3) --- 特殊主義取向 --- p.122 / Chapter 第四章 --- 工人的理性選擇─不同解決方法的效用結構 / Chapter 1) --- 工會與職工代表大會 --- p.137 / Chapter 2) --- 罷工與怠工 --- p.155 / Chapter 3) --- 離職與兼職 --- p.169 / Chapter 4) --- 主從關係網路 --- p.185 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 / Chapter 1) --- 工人理性選擇與工人政治 --- p.231 / Chapter 2) --- 中國國家 （state）的特色 --- p.247 / Chapter 3) --- 中國國家合法性的性質 --- p.256 / 註釋 / 附錄〈一〉論文資料 / 附錄〈二〉參考書目

The purpose of this thesis is threefold: firstly, to serve as a contribution to the history of the Marseilles working class; secondly to illustrate the impact of the Popular Front at local level; and thirdly, to act as a case study of working-class mobilisation. In the first section of the thesis the Marseilles working class is briefly described. It was highly heterogeneous, being made up of various racially, occupationally, and spatially-defined communities. The divisions between these communities were to some extent neutralised by a strong sense of the local community of Marseilles. Marseilles' claim to special status within the nation was, however, increasingly coming under challenge. Prior to the Popular Front the most successful political organisations on the Left in Marseilles integrated themselves into the rich community life of the town by playing down ideological issues and by practising the politics of locally-based clientelism rather than those of class. The movement for the Popular Front encouraged a new mood of militancy within the Marseilles working class which both contributed to, and was itself encouraged by, the growth of Communist influence within the Popular Front alliance. At different moments the strikes of the period facilitated or prejudiced the unity of the working class and its integration into the nation. Initially (1934-1937), the strikes which were undertaken advanced the interests of workers against those of employers whilst increasing working-class unity and support for the Popular Front. At the same time the election of a Popular Front Government and its success in resolving strikes to the satisfaction of workers aided the integration of the working class into a new, enlarged, national political consensus. The fragility of this consensus was, however, later revealed (1938-1939), as the Government called for sacrifices in the workplace and the Communists called fcr the launching of an unpopular war against fascism.

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In the early twentieth century industrial, political, and social conflicts occurred throughout the United States during a period of rapid industrialization and modernization. Examples of these disputes, such as labor strikes and political struggles, have frequently been the subjects of scholarly investigations. Yet certain aspects of these conflicts remain relatively unknown, particularly on the community and local levels. The purpose of the present study was to explore and provide the context for a better understanding of the motives behind the responses of antiradicals to left-wing radicalism. What were some of the social, cultural, and economic motivations of local antiradicals in the city of Portland from 1917 to 1941?

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished