Research of the impact of relocation has failed to produce a theoretical foundation and is predominantly polarized into positive and negative effects. Two themes, however, recur throughout the literature: a) the experience of relocation includes loss, and b) wives feel the impact of relocation more severely than their husbands. Parkes' theory of psychosocial transition (1971) encapsulates the theme of loss. In this study, anxiety of 314 active duty men and women and their civilian spouses was measured 1-12 months after a military move to explore the fit of Parkes' model to relocation. Impacts of relocation by gender and roles (active duty versus civilian) were compared. In a qualitative component to the study, gains and losses created by the relocation were also explored along with behaviors that helped subjects feel more at home in the new place. A 2x2x2 factorial design was used with three independent variables of time since move, gender and role. The dependent variable was state anxiety as measured by the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI), Form Y (Spielberger, 1983). A .05 level of significance was used in the hypothesis testing. As proposed by Parkes' psychosocial transition model, military couples that had relocated 1-6 months previous scored significantly higher in state anxiety than military couples who had moved 7-12 months previous. Members and spouses also differed significantly in anxiety across education levels, ranks, and ages, as well as number of children living with the couple. Results of this project support previous findings that relocation impacts women more intensely than men, but not for the previously purported reason - lack of familiar work setting. Women exhibited significantly higher levels of anxiety whether they were employed full time (active duty) or civilian spouses following their active duty husbands. Each group of subjects overwhelmingly identified loss of friends as a severe loss due to the move. For subjects on active duty, the most positive gains of relocation during the first year were family closeness and benefits of new jobs. The dominant theme for the civilian spouses was the benefits of the new environment. Buying and working on new homes was the most helpful behavior for all groups during the first year after relocation.

Since the late 19th Century, the military in Mexico has been an important instrument of the executive branch of government to maintain political stability. In the 1880s, President Porfirio Diaz created the basis of a system of civil-military relations based on Presidential control (as opposed to civilian control). Since then, the Mexican armed forces have developed a unique bond with the President, remaining accountable and exclusively subordinated to this branch of power and no one else. Despite the Mexican Revolution in the first quarter of the 20th Century and the subsequent process of democratization after 1988, Diaz's basic principle has not been broken. In fact, the military's separation from the political arena after the Mexican Revolution inexorably strengthened its moral capital, gaining the population's approval to participate in areas that surpass its conventional duties. This has made the executive branch become increasingly reliant on the armed forces to make certain policy commitments seem trustworthy, especially in areas where civilian agencies have consistently underperformed, such as the combat of organised crime and ordinary policing. This is definitely a unique characteristic within Latin America, where democratization has rarely been accompanied by an increasing role of the armed forces on internal affairs. By using deductive reasoning and historical narrative, the argument will propose that the rules governing the system of civil-military relations in Mexico are counterintuitive with the idea of democratic consolidation. It will also suggest that the current system of civilian control has become even more vulnerable due to the capacity of the military to resist and even reverse civilian initiatives to improve supervision over their expanding roles. To test these hypotheses, the argument follows closely the military's counterinsurgency policy and its increasing participation in law enforcement institutions.

The aim of my thesis is to explain why civil-military cooperation is practiced the way that it is by the Canadian Army. Civil-military cooperation (the practice by military forces of engaging with civilian actors in order to improve the relationship between the civilian populace and the military forces), largely in the form of relief and reconstruction activities, has come to be a hallmark of contemporary military interventions, both in war and peace support situations. My thesis looks at civil military cooperation as it is actually performed and includes not only an examination of doctrine, but also of practice. In determining why civil-military cooperation is practiced in the way that it is, I use Clausewitz's Trinity as the basis for my explanation. I focus on the secondary aspect of the Trinity; namely, its actors: the People, the Government, and the Military. By doing so, and including an analysis of the relationships between these actors, it is possible to see that civil-military cooperation is a product of the combination the people's passion (which is ambivalent), the government's direction (which is ambiguous), and the army's skills (which they apply antagonistically). This resulting context is sufficiently indeterminate as to require significant interpretation on the part of those individuals conducting civil-military cooperation activities in the field. This runs counter to most established theories of civil military relations, which expect that government direction should determine military activity.

No description available.

This thesis investigates the reasons for the idiosyncratic politicization of religion and the Church in Greece and Cyprus, and seeks to account for the production, development and propagation of religious nationalism and the sacralisation of politics in these two countries. It is a study of the birth (1830- 1864), development, and contemporary mutation (1974-2000) of the 'Helleno- Christian' nationalist discourse, which reached its zenith, not in Greece, where it was born, but in Cyprus, immediately before and after independence (1950- 1974). The aim of the project is to explain the political processes whereby this ideology (Helleno-Christianism) attained a hegemonic status in the Greek and Greek-Cypriot political cultures, and to account for the present eminence of this prominent type of Greek nationalism. Hopefully, this thesis fulfils a threefold purpose: firstly, it covers importcint gaps in the relevant historiography on Greek and Greek-Cypriot nationalisms. This 'historical' task is carried out through the analysis of the important role of the Orthodox Church in the consolidation of Greek and Greek-Cypriot national identities. Secondly, this case study is used as a test ground for an alternative theoretical framework in the study of nationalism which may offer solutions to the practical and theoretical problems of the dominant modernist pciradigm. Thirdly, a comparative approach to the study of Greek nationalism in mainland Greece and in Cyprus is adopted- to my knowledge, for the first time- in the following pages. There are two main research questions to be answered by this project: Why and how religion in Greece and Cyprus has been politicized in such manner so that Orthodoxy and nationalism became so closely associated? And, what are the results of this politicization in terms of contemporary Church policy, and national identity awareness in contemporary Greece and Cyprus? In other words, the logic that will be underlying my argument is that in order to understand contemporary Greek nationalism, one has to look back at its formative period.

No description available.

This thesis investigates empirical issues in civil military relations. It is comprised of one qualitative chapter (chapter 2), one chapter describing the data (chapter 3) and four empirical chapters (chapters 4-7). Chapter 2 gives an overview of coup-proofing strategies available to dictators, before analysing how various dictators of the MENA region utilised these strategies to varying degrees. Chapter 2 is a qualitative study. The purpose of this chapter is to provide context and depth to the empirical chapters that follow. Chapter 4 explores the role of the military in democratisation. It tests the hypothesis that countries in which the military was politically powerful before democratic transition occurs are less likely to consolidate democracy. It represents one of the first empirical applications of Acemoglu et al.’s (2010) paper “A Theory of Military Dictatorships”. One of the main challenges encountered in this chapter is problem of quantifying the political power of the military. While this chapter considers a number of possible measures, the main measure used for empirical analysis is military burden. Chapter 4 effectively explores the impact of military spending on democracy, using a panel of 102 countries over the period 1960-2000. In chapter 5, this relationship is reversed. Chapter 5 examines whether democracies spend less on the military that autocracies. While papers on the determinants of military spending generally include democracy as a control variable, with a few exceptions, it is not the focus of their enquiry. This chapter addresses resulting problems in the existing literature concerning data quality and the appropriate measurement of key variables. In particular, it addresses the question of causality between military spending and democracy, a question which arises but is not resolved in chapter 4. Chapter 6 delves further into the relationship between military spending and regime type, unpacking the category of autocracy into military regimes, single-party states and personalist regimes. I develop a theory of authoritarian survival that explains why certain types of dictatorships are likely to allocate more resources to the military than others. I test this theory empirically using an unbalanced panel 64 countries over the period 1960-2000.Chapter 7 uses new data on military spending in the MENA region to explore the relationship between military expenditures and natural resource rents. While there is abundant anecdotal evidence on the connection between these two variables, this relationship has not been systematically tested empirically. I do so using a panel of 16 MENA countries covering the period 1960-2010.

The question of influence in interest group research has fascinated and frustrated researchers in equal measure. Access has often been used as a precondition of influence, whereby the more access an interest group has to the policy-making process, the more opportunities for influence it will have. Consequently, this operationalisation has focused on the frequency or amount of access that interest groups attain; yet, this neglects the quality of those interactions as well as the quality of information that interest groups provide. Information is key in translating access into influence and the theoretical literature emphasises the importance for interest groups to establish reputations as reliable providers of policy-relevant information. However, this concept has rarely been investigated in empirical research. The aim of this thesis was to investigate reliable providers of information (RPls) to the Commission during EU policy formulation and assess whether RPI status could provide an improved predictor of influence than measures based on frequency alone, A large-N survey of interest groups active in EU policy-making was undertaken to test the predictor power of RPI status compared with contact frequency and information provision. Additionally, the resources and characteristics that underpin an interest groups' ability to achieve RPI Status were investigated. The findings demonstrate that RPI status predicts interest group influence to a greater degree than contact frequency and information provision. Moreover, this thesis identifies two distinct categories of interest groups with RPI status. One of these groups consists of reliable rather than frequent and reliable providers of information. Research that focuses on frequency alone will overlook this significant group. Moreover, by focusing on the quality of interest groups' interactions with policy-makers and the quality of information they provide, this research has contributed towards closing the gap between the theoretical and empirical literature on interest group influence.

One US senior marine notes that "military cultures are like great ocean liners or aircraft carriers: they require an enormous effort to change direction". Indeed, in most nations, military cultures are known for their resistance against change. The military ethos, which includes features such as absolute obedience, hierarchy, collectivism, and sacrificing oneself for all, makes military cultures less likely to adopt liberal and democratic values. In this regard, Turkey is in an interesting position in that military culture has constantly experienced transitions between three different identities: revolutionists, guardians and depoliticals. The first identity is modernist, progressive, and staunchly secular; the second is more conservative, less tolerant of the notion of individual rights and liberties, and more likely to maintain the status quo; the third is being politically neutral, committed to civilian supremacy, and likely to work in harmony with the politicians. Indeed, because of the role it played during the Liberation War, the military has had an unwritten legitimacy in national politics as the nation builder. Related to this, the military's priviliged position in the eyes of the people has enabled any change in military culture to make fundemental changes in politics. Yet, if one observes most cases of civil-military relations, one may see that the relationship between militaries and states tends to follow a stable, positive, or negative path regarding democratisation. But, in the Turkish case this relationship does not draw a steady line. Rather, it can show very different results depending on time and developments. Hence, the main purpose of this thesis is to identify the relationship between military culture and Turkish politics regarding our five civil-military models: the 'positive-undemocratic', 'negative-undemocratic', 'positive-democratic', 'negative-democratic', and variable relationships.

No description available.