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This thesis explores the significance of Protestantism in North Korean politics, culture and international relations from the 1970s to the early 1990s. It focuses on the activities of the Korean Christian Federation (KCF), against the background of inter-Korean and international relations as well as domestic changes in the Protestant sphere. In the early 1970s, in pursuit of an advantageous position over the South Korean government on issues surrounding inter-Korean relations, the North Korean government began to demonstrate a certain degree of flexibility in foreign policy. However, in the mid-1970s, long-running disputes on inter-Korean issues in the UN General Assembly ended in stalemate, with no clear plan for achieving a generally acceptable compromise. At this point, the DPRK regime turned its attention towards international non-governmental organisations. In order to form a united front against the South Korean government, the DPRK government established several non-governmental organisations, of which the KCF was an example, in order to make contact with these external groups. Two main findings emerged from my analysis of the KCF’s policies. First, the revival of the KCF and Protestant community in North Korea was based on political necessity. In other words, the KCF’s exchange activities with Protestants outside North Korea were political despite their religious identity. Through examining the exchanges between the KCF, overseas Korean Protestants, the World Council of Churches (WCC) and the National Council of Churches in [South] Korea (NCCK), this thesis provides evidence that the DPRK government revived the KCF for the political purpose of gaining the upper hand over the South Korean government in dealing with inter-Korean issues. In particular, what the North Korean regime expected to gain from the KCF’s exchanges with Protestant organisations outside North Korea was moral ascendancy over the South Korean government. Second, from an ecumenical standpoint, the thesis also argued that the political association between the KCF and other Protestant organisations outside North Korea was made possible thanks to their common Protestant identity. In order to associate the KCF with Protestant organisations outside North Korea, the DPRK regime understood that the authenticity of North Korean Protestantism must first be acknowledged by the outside world. To establish the ties of religious kinship, the DPRK not only revived a proper ecclesiastical form, including the establishment of two churches in western style, but also made changes to its legal regulations and even to the national Juche culture, in order to accommodate Protestant activities in North Korea. In this thesis, Gramsci’s theory of hegemony was employed as a research framework to reveal how the DPRK’s policies towards Protestantism were confined not only to the religious sphere, but were often intertwined with politics. Religious policies are therefore considered as a form of implicit cultural policy; that is, an intangible political strategy that produces relevant normative values for stabilising a political regime.

This thesis is an ethnographic study of UK environmental social movement mobilisations of the 1990s, detailing the movement's characteristics such as its structure as a fluid series of biodegradable networks. The thesis evidences what action was taken during this period, using primarily qualitative methodologies: semi-structured interviews and Participant Observation (PO). Evidence showing how mobilisation occurred, how activist networks are 'born' and sustained, is given, examining issues such as the diffusion of repertoires over time, and the importance of social networks. The "why" of mobilisation was documented, detailing activists' rationales for action given in interviews and a variety of other media such as email groups and in PO settings. The thesis approached the data from a 'grounded theory' perspective, meaning that appropriate theoretical directions developed during the research process. There were however initial aims: to investigate whether the EDA movement had a 'collective identity' (Melucci 1996), and hypotheses: that activists had complex rationales for taking action, and that there was a symbiosis between the taking of action, the development of movement praxis and collective identity, and the process of further mobilisation. These aims and hypotheses were realised by the research work. Despite many complexities outlined in the research, generally the EDA movement has a collective identity. This is based on a shared commitment to direct action, grassroots democracy, and a radical discourse, which challenges the codes and perceived abuses of power inherent in the dominant paradigm. Social justice, human rights, and environmental sustainability are equally important to EDA activists and seen as interrelated. Through charting the process of action in the 1990's, the thesis locates the 'anti globalisation' mobilisations at the turn of the millennium as evidence of EDA movement capacity building over a decade. The thesis aims to have contributed to Social Movement theory through this ethnographic approach.

This thesis is an ethnographic study of communities, businesses and individuals in a city in the Pacific Northwest region of the US who participate in a reforming turn within evangelical Christianity that critiques the American evangelical church’s emphasis on programmatic evangelism and church growth, and its association with conservative politics. The thesis begins by introducing the ideas of ‘community’ and ‘intentionality’ as they orient individuals’ ethical self-fashioning within an intentional community that participates in this turn. The thesis goes on to examine this and other groups’ ethos of communitarian localism, in which people imagine the possibilities for social and ethical renewal in explicitly placial terms; largely eschewing verbal evangelism in favour of the material and ritual work of ‘placemaking’, and personal commitments to living as much of one’s life as possible locally. We see an ambiguous posture of industry and disavowal, as people pursue transformative action in the neighbourhood, while holding an ethical presumption against all forms of power, and seeking to resist the capitalist temporalities of ‘development’. The thesis examines how people use enterprise to enact their localism; showing how doctrines of ethical capitalism, understood by some scholars as ‘neoliberal’, but seen locally as potentially ‘radical’, are deployed in service of a petit-bourgeois ideal of a morally embedded small-town economy. The final chapter addresses this subculture’s cosmological and sociological outlooks, notably its anti-modernity. I argue that the turn toward ‘holistic’ community, symbolised in mixed-use urban space, and imagined theologically as the Kingdom of God, represents an aspiration to ethicise the public sphere, and close the gap between private and public by rescaling society to the level of interpersonal interaction. In this sociologically reflexive subculture, we see an ambition of recuperating the morally choosing Protestant individual from the distributed personhood entailed in a functionally differentiated economy and society.

In the security spectrum, there is a blurring line between defence and development. In both traditional and non-traditional security situations, such as counterinsurgency and natural disasters, the armed forces has been called to respond in ways other than their mandate of physical protection in order to attend to human development needs. How and when this transition of roles happens has been studied and debated. As the main security institution of a country, militaries around the world have performed duties outside of their defence functions. Their tasks have expanded from maintaining peace and order to including nation-building, economic development, the provision of disaster relief, and engaging in efforts to conserve natural resources. Looking at these extra functions, the Philippines armed forces are no different in performing non-traditional roles. The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is one of the key institutions, which has been at the forefront of the campaign in tackling these domestic challenges. To a certain extent, the mixture of economic activities with combat operations has characterised the military’s different campaigns such as counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency. Involvement in economic functions has been justified on the grounds that it is critical to ‘winning the hearts and minds’ of those living on the front lines, supporting the military’s role in nation-building. The aim of this study is to employ pre-determined metrics to evaluate the contribution of the Philippine defence sector to national development, and, in turn, comprehensive security. Whilst the conventional view is that defence is a burden on development, the question this study poses is whether, by contrast, in the Philippine context, there is a positive relationship between defence and development; that is, that defence expenditure contributes to development outputs such as employment, skill-generation and even infrastructural investment. The study framework is anchored to the following policies: AFP Modernisation Act of 1995, and its subsequent revision, AFP Modernisation Act of 2010, the Internal Peace and Security Plan (IPSP), and the National Security Plan 2011-2016. The framework highlights the important security goals of defence industrialisation, internal security, and non-traditional security. These data were further substantiated and consolidated via archival sources, such as government and company reports, as well as secondary data (e.g. books, journals, etc.). The mission thrusts of the AFP demonstrate the organisation’s multiple objectives to carry out a mandate to protect the state and the people. The Philippines has a very modest defence industry with few companies manufacturing small arms and ammunitions. Its goal is to be self-reliant, however, issues within the Procurement Law prevents this. Meanwhile, the conduct of counter-insurgency efforts through the IPSP allows the AFP unified commands and field units to support government units and agencies in their peace and development programmes. Furthermore, the geographic deployment of military personnel and equipment across the archipelago allows the armed forces to respond in times of disasters. Overall, the armed forces has contributes positively to the national development of the Philippines. To this end, and based on the research finding, a number of important policy recommendations are advanced to raise the effectiveness of the Philippines’ security policies.

Este trabalho versa sobre a possibilidade de elaboração de uma teoria aristotélica da justiça para com animais. Para levar a cabo tal proposta, o autor demonstra como ARISTÓTELES admite a existência de âmbitos de justiça, que são ditos por homonímia. Esses âmbitos de justiça incluem algumas relações que ARISTÓTELES considerava como se dando entre desiguais, como a relação entre senhor e escravo, e a entre pai e filho. O que todas essas relações têm em comum é a presença de comunidade e amizade. Como comunidade, amizade e justiça são sempre encontradas juntas, todas as relações entre aqueles que têm algo em comum podem ser ditas relações de justiça, ainda que justiça por homonímia. Humanos e outros animais possuem muitas coisas em comum: capacidades do corpo e da alma, além de ação e modos de vida. Então, deve existir um âmbito de justiça por homonímia para com animais não-humanos, ainda que ARISTÓTELES não o tenha reconhecido. / This work is about the possibility of an Aristotelian theory of justice toward nonhuman animals. In order to do this, the author demonstrates how ARISTOTLE admitted the existence of nonpolitical spheres of justice, that are said justice according to homonymy. This spheres included some relationships that ARISTOTLE regarded as relationships between unequals, as that between master to slave, and that between father to son. What all this relationships have in common is the presence of community and friendship. As community, friendship and justice are always find together, all relationship between those who have something in common can be said relationships of justice, even if justice according to homonymy. Humans and other animals have many things in common: body and soul capacities, besides action and ways of life. So, there must exist some sphere of justice according to homonymy toward nonhuman animals, even if ARISTOTLE did not recognize it.

Este trabalho versa sobre a possibilidade de elaboração de uma teoria aristotélica da justiça para com animais. Para levar a cabo tal proposta, o autor demonstra como ARISTÓTELES admite a existência de âmbitos de justiça, que são ditos por homonímia. Esses âmbitos de justiça incluem algumas relações que ARISTÓTELES considerava como se dando entre desiguais, como a relação entre senhor e escravo, e a entre pai e filho. O que todas essas relações têm em comum é a presença de comunidade e amizade. Como comunidade, amizade e justiça são sempre encontradas juntas, todas as relações entre aqueles que têm algo em comum podem ser ditas relações de justiça, ainda que justiça por homonímia. Humanos e outros animais possuem muitas coisas em comum: capacidades do corpo e da alma, além de ação e modos de vida. Então, deve existir um âmbito de justiça por homonímia para com animais não-humanos, ainda que ARISTÓTELES não o tenha reconhecido. / This work is about the possibility of an Aristotelian theory of justice toward nonhuman animals. In order to do this, the author demonstrates how ARISTOTLE admitted the existence of nonpolitical spheres of justice, that are said justice according to homonymy. This spheres included some relationships that ARISTOTLE regarded as relationships between unequals, as that between master to slave, and that between father to son. What all this relationships have in common is the presence of community and friendship. As community, friendship and justice are always find together, all relationship between those who have something in common can be said relationships of justice, even if justice according to homonymy. Humans and other animals have many things in common: body and soul capacities, besides action and ways of life. So, there must exist some sphere of justice according to homonymy toward nonhuman animals, even if ARISTOTLE did not recognize it.

Este trabalho versa sobre a possibilidade de elaboração de uma teoria aristotélica da justiça para com animais. Para levar a cabo tal proposta, o autor demonstra como ARISTÓTELES admite a existência de âmbitos de justiça, que são ditos por homonímia. Esses âmbitos de justiça incluem algumas relações que ARISTÓTELES considerava como se dando entre desiguais, como a relação entre senhor e escravo, e a entre pai e filho. O que todas essas relações têm em comum é a presença de comunidade e amizade. Como comunidade, amizade e justiça são sempre encontradas juntas, todas as relações entre aqueles que têm algo em comum podem ser ditas relações de justiça, ainda que justiça por homonímia. Humanos e outros animais possuem muitas coisas em comum: capacidades do corpo e da alma, além de ação e modos de vida. Então, deve existir um âmbito de justiça por homonímia para com animais não-humanos, ainda que ARISTÓTELES não o tenha reconhecido. / This work is about the possibility of an Aristotelian theory of justice toward nonhuman animals. In order to do this, the author demonstrates how ARISTOTLE admitted the existence of nonpolitical spheres of justice, that are said justice according to homonymy. This spheres included some relationships that ARISTOTLE regarded as relationships between unequals, as that between master to slave, and that between father to son. What all this relationships have in common is the presence of community and friendship. As community, friendship and justice are always find together, all relationship between those who have something in common can be said relationships of justice, even if justice according to homonymy. Humans and other animals have many things in common: body and soul capacities, besides action and ways of life. So, there must exist some sphere of justice according to homonymy toward nonhuman animals, even if ARISTOTLE did not recognize it.

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This thesis seeks to establish a framework for examining why certain contexts have proven conducive to the politicisation of religious identities. Prevalent scholarly approaches have treated politicised religious (or religio-political) movements chiefly as a ‘bottom-up’ reaction to the effects of modernisation, including secularism and capitalist development. In the Turkish case, the dominant narratives have placed religio-politics within the context of an ‘authoritarian’ or ‘assertive’ state secularism and have explained the rise of Islamism as a reaction or/and a product of democratisation. These approaches take for granted the notion of a ‘secular state’ versus a ‘religious society’. In contrast, ‘religious majoritarianism’ implies a more complex and intertwined relationship between state, religion and society. It refers to a political structure according to which a religiously demarcated group’s dominance and monopoly over political and economic resources is legitimated on the basis of its numeric majority within the nation. This thesis suggests that the degree to which the Turkish nation-state became religious majoritarian was determined by the extent to which (i) majority–minority boundaries were defined along religious lines during the late Ottoman period and (ii) the way these became reflected in state institutions subsequently. This institutionalisation then triggered long-lasting path-dependent effects leading to the persistence of religious delineations within the community and influencing the nature of political and economic competition. In sum, the resurgence of religiopolitics under the AKP party should be understood not as a break with a secular pattern of state-building but as a path-dependent process occurring within the longer-term dynamics of nation-state building.