by M. Epelman, T.L. Magnanti and G. Perakis. / "October 1997." / Includes bibliographical references (p. 32-33).

This thesis conceptually and empirically explores how American foreign policy is changing under the domestic and international pressures brought about by social and cultural processes associated with the global resurgence of religion. It argues that in response to these pressures the American foreign policy establishment, and American diplomatic, foreign assistance and national security practices and institutions are gradually undergoing, since the end of the Cold War andespecially following September 11, processes of “desecularization”. In order to explain these foreign policy changes, this thesis develops a Historical Sociological (HS) approach to Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). This theoretical framework allows investigating the complex causal mechanisms that have led to the emergence of “desecularizing actors” at the domestic American level, which are embedded or responding to macro-processes of religious resurgence at home and abroad. These desecularizing actors have mobilized at the micro-level to challenge at critical historical junctures what they perceive is the problematic secular character of American foreign policy intellectual traditions, state practices and policy-making structures. In order to advance their preferred inherently religious policy agendas, desecularizing actors have articulated a number of principled and strategic discourses, which enable them to successfully contest and renegotiate the boundaries between “the secular” and “the religious” in American foreign policy. This thesis draws from ongoing conceptual debates in the sociology of religion on desecularization and applies this concept to that of a state’s foreign policy. It unpacks how processes of desecularization have taken place at multiple levels and with different intensities across the American foreign policy apparatus. This thesis identifies two broad processes that relate to foreign policy desecularization. First, processes of “countersecularization” in terms of a growing entanglement between functionally differentiated American secular state practices and policy-making structures, and religious norms and actors. Second, processes of “counter-secularism” in terms of a progressive weakening of dominant secular epistemic, ideological, and normative ideational constructs among American policy-makers.

This thesis will re-evaluate the Chartist movement through research into day-to-day practice in four areas: sociability, material networks, gender and political subjectivity. It will demonstrate that Chartism's activism and the everyday lives of its members were indistinct. In the early years of the movement and the years preceding it, activism and political thought engaged with the quotidian to successfully build a movement that was not only relevant to but an integral part of people's everyday lives. This thesis will analyse how this interaction was not limited to Chartist activists politicising everyday grievances, but also how day-to-day practices and relationships contributed to the infrastructure, intellectual culture and political programme of the movement. This thesis will make original contributions to a number of debates. It challenges the dominant view of Chartism as first and foremost a political movement distinct from its social conditions. It will be argued that this dichotomy between the political and the social cannot be sustained, and it will be shown that activists were most successful when they drew from and were part of society. It will criticise the related trend in studies of Chartism and Radicalism to focus on political identity, meaning and forms of communication. It will argue that these topics are valuable, but need to be seen within a wider existential framework and integrated with an approach that sees cultural activity as one part of a range of activities. As such, it will illustrate the ways that cultural practices are bound with social relationships. Following this, it will make the case for practice to be looked at not just in symbolic or ritualistic terms but also in terms of day-to-day activities that were crucial for the development and maintenance of political movements. It will be argued that prosaic, mundane and day-to-day activities are integral aspects of social movements and as such are worthwhile areas of research. Finally, it will add to our understanding of Chartism by providing biographical information on Henry Vincent, an under-researched figure, and the south west and west of England, under-researched regions. This thesis is organised into two parts. The first will follow the work of activists in developing Chartism in the south west of England from the end of the Swing Riots until the Chartist Convention of 1839. Here it will be argued that Chartism relied upon a close and intensive interaction between activists and the communities they were politicising, with the result being that the movement was coloured by the politics, intellectual culture and practices of those communities. The second section will look at how the private lives and social networks of individual activists were integral to their political ideas, rhetoric and capacity to work as activists. Correspondence, documents produced by the state, the radical press and the internal records of the Chartist movement all shed light on the way everyday life and political thought and action merged.

A fines del siglo V y durante del siglo IV a.c. la medicina tuvo un momento cúlmine de valoración social y espiritual dentro de la cultura griega; cultura por sí misma orientada a la formación del cuerpo y del espíritu; el médico llegó a significar algo así como el representante de un conocimiento especial del más alto refinamiento metodológico, a la vez que personificaba la encarnación de una ética profesional de carácter práctico, supeditando su saber teórico al fin último del sentido de la vida humana. En la cultura moderna no llegará nunca a recobrar ese lugar. Sin embargo, es importante señalar que dicha medicina jamás habría llegado a convertirse en una ciencia sin las indagaciones de los primeros filósofos jónicos que buscaban una explicación “natural” a todos los fenómenos o sin esa tendencia a reducir todo efecto a una causa ni a descubrir en dicha relación (causa-efecto) la existencia de un orden general y necesario. Su fe inquebrantable en encontrar la clave de todos los misterios del mundo mediante la observación imparcial de las cosas y la fuerza del conocimiento racional fue un aporte sustancial. Sobre esa base, fueron los médicos griegos, disciplinados por aquel pensamiento normado por sus precursores filosóficos, los primeros que fueron capaces de crear un sistema teórico que pudiese servir de sustentación a un movimiento científico.

This thesis investigates the contested processes of displaying “Turkishness” in competing state museums in Turkey at a time when over the last decade secularist- Kemalist state power has been overturned under neo-Islamist Justice and Development Party government. It poses the question: how are the oppositionary - namely secular Republican and Islamic Ottoman - pasts of “Turkishness” remembered, forgotten, and negotiated in Anıtkabir, Atatürk’s mausoleum, and Topkapı Palace Museum, the imperial house at a time of flux in Turkey? Anıtkabir, under the command of the Turkish Armed Forces, the guardian of secularism, and Topkapı Palace, linked to the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, an arm of the government, are more than pedagogical warehouses of the state, displaying contending pasts. They are state institutions, endowed with diverse power sources in exhibiting the binaries of “Turkishness” polarised between West-modern-secular and East-backward-Islam. Through an ethnography of these agencies of the state, this research traces the negotiation processes of exhibiting the competing pasts of “Turkishness”. The focus of this study is twofold. First, it explores how different bureaucratic practices in Anıtkabir and Topkapı Palace museums act as power mechanisms among museum staff and vis-à-vis visitors. Second, it looks at the ensuing representations of “Turkishness”. Competing traditions and national days pertaining to Islamic Ottoman and secular Republican histories are re-invented through museum events, which fall beyond the bureaucracy of exhibition-making. However, formal / informal processes of exhibition-making in both museums reveal that binaries of “Turkishness” are challenged and deliberated through contested exhibitionary practices. In Topkapı Palace Museum, a Westernised-modernised image of imperial life is portrayed, while Anıtkabir simultaneously re-sacralises and humanises Atatürk’s cult. Therefore, this study argues that binaries of “Turkishness” are not irreconcilable; rather they are reversed, negotiated, and transformed in the quest for state power in the everyday practices of these museum bureaucracies.

O propósito deste trabalho é determinar a natureza, especificidade e necessidade da categoria da política no pensamento maduro de Aristóteles, tendo por eixo central o exame de três obras capitais: Ética Nicomaquéia, A Constituição de Atenas e Política. Estabelecer, portanto, os nexos e laços históricos que uniram e animaram o pensamento político do estagirita, relacionando-os à realidade ateniense do século do IV a.C que influenciou, sobremaneira, a démarche ideológica do filósofo em tela. Trata-se de apontar os elos que motivaram concretamente o autor a encontrar na política e na ética instrumentos a moderar, a impor limites ao modo de vida grego (à comunidade política) e à individualidade, respectivamente. O ideário político-ético aristotélico brotou dos desafios incontornáveis de uma pólis grega declinante, com suas adstringências ingênitas, de apoucadas forças produtivas. Assim, foi levado, historicamente, a responder ao grande desafio de seu tempo: recompor, a partir de certa exeqüibilidade, o equilíbrio citadino perdido por décadas de guerras internas e externas. De modo que, política e ética foram compreendidas como mecanismos reguladores a dirimir conflitos e tensões em momento singular da vida pública grega, a saber, em uma pólis prestes a perder sua autonomia política para Filipe e Alexandre. Em síntese, visava, portanto, intermediar relações, limitar e equilibrar a comunidade e o indivíduo que dela participava, pois, do contrário, a ausência de limites acabaria (como de fato ocorreu) impondo a dissolução da vida in communitas. / The purpose of this work is to determine the nature, specificity and necessity of the politics category in Aristotle\'s mature thought, having as central axis the examination of his major works: Nichomachean Ethics, Constitution of Athens and Politics. To find, therefore, the historical nexus and ties that animate and link the Stagirite\'s political ideology to the 4th-century BC Athenian reality, which strongly influenced the philosopher\'s ideological démarche. The point is to establish the links that concretely motivated the philosopher of Stagira to find in Politics and in Ethics the instruments to moderate and impose limits to the Greek way of life (the political community) and to individuality, respectively. Thus, the Aristotelian political-ethical ideology rises from the unescapable challenges of a declining Greek polis, with its innate restrictions of scarce productive forces. Such a reflection finds in the Athenian decline the motivation for its birth, that is, the Stagirite is historically driven to respond to the great challenge of his time: to recompose, within a certain degree of possibility, the city-state balance lost through decades of internal and external wars. In this way, Politics and Ethics are understood as regulative mechanisms to settle conflicts and tensions in a singular moment of Greek public life, that is, in a polis about to lose its political autonomy to Philip and Alexander. In synthesis, the aim of the Stagirite\'s political-ethical ideology is to intermediate relations, to limit and to equilibrate the community and its participant individual because, otherwise, the absence of limits would eventually impose (as it actually occurred) the dissolution of life in communitas.

O propósito deste trabalho é determinar a natureza, especificidade e necessidade da categoria da política no pensamento maduro de Aristóteles, tendo por eixo central o exame de três obras capitais: Ética Nicomaquéia, A Constituição de Atenas e Política. Estabelecer, portanto, os nexos e laços históricos que uniram e animaram o pensamento político do estagirita, relacionando-os à realidade ateniense do século do IV a.C que influenciou, sobremaneira, a démarche ideológica do filósofo em tela. Trata-se de apontar os elos que motivaram concretamente o autor a encontrar na política e na ética instrumentos a moderar, a impor limites ao modo de vida grego (à comunidade política) e à individualidade, respectivamente. O ideário político-ético aristotélico brotou dos desafios incontornáveis de uma pólis grega declinante, com suas adstringências ingênitas, de apoucadas forças produtivas. Assim, foi levado, historicamente, a responder ao grande desafio de seu tempo: recompor, a partir de certa exeqüibilidade, o equilíbrio citadino perdido por décadas de guerras internas e externas. De modo que, política e ética foram compreendidas como mecanismos reguladores a dirimir conflitos e tensões em momento singular da vida pública grega, a saber, em uma pólis prestes a perder sua autonomia política para Filipe e Alexandre. Em síntese, visava, portanto, intermediar relações, limitar e equilibrar a comunidade e o indivíduo que dela participava, pois, do contrário, a ausência de limites acabaria (como de fato ocorreu) impondo a dissolução da vida in communitas. / The purpose of this work is to determine the nature, specificity and necessity of the politics category in Aristotle\'s mature thought, having as central axis the examination of his major works: Nichomachean Ethics, Constitution of Athens and Politics. To find, therefore, the historical nexus and ties that animate and link the Stagirite\'s political ideology to the 4th-century BC Athenian reality, which strongly influenced the philosopher\'s ideological démarche. The point is to establish the links that concretely motivated the philosopher of Stagira to find in Politics and in Ethics the instruments to moderate and impose limits to the Greek way of life (the political community) and to individuality, respectively. Thus, the Aristotelian political-ethical ideology rises from the unescapable challenges of a declining Greek polis, with its innate restrictions of scarce productive forces. Such a reflection finds in the Athenian decline the motivation for its birth, that is, the Stagirite is historically driven to respond to the great challenge of his time: to recompose, within a certain degree of possibility, the city-state balance lost through decades of internal and external wars. In this way, Politics and Ethics are understood as regulative mechanisms to settle conflicts and tensions in a singular moment of Greek public life, that is, in a polis about to lose its political autonomy to Philip and Alexander. In synthesis, the aim of the Stagirite\'s political-ethical ideology is to intermediate relations, to limit and to equilibrate the community and its participant individual because, otherwise, the absence of limits would eventually impose (as it actually occurred) the dissolution of life in communitas.

En la aproximación aristotélica al problema del aprendizaje de la virtud encontramos ya no solo una búsqueda comprometida con un saber práctico, sino principalmente el bosquejo de un método para la actualización de dicho conocimiento en el carácter del agente moral. La dimensión epistémica de la sabiduría práctica se amplía dentro de un modelo argumentativo complejo, en cuya estructura se van a articular principios generales, percepciones particulares y acciones concretas. Es decir, ya no solo se trata de saber en qué consiste la justicia, sino más bien en cómo soy justo en esta situación específica. / Tesis

Nuestro trabajo consiste en un análisis textual desde los presupuestos hermenéuticos de la unidad y la coherencia del pensamiento aristotélico sobre el alma y dios. Para tal fin se investigará, en primer lugar, cómo es que se habla del intelecto a lo largo del De anima, y si se menciona su separación; luego, en una segunda parte, se analizará la concepción de alma, según se presenta en el texto, en vista al problema del intelecto o alma humana; aquí mismo desarrollaremos la doble concepción de acto-potencia que Aristóteles desarrolla para aclarar lo que es el alma. En un tercer capítulo se verá en forma detallada cuál es la concepción del intelecto agente y cómo actúa este, a base de las metáforas del capítulo III.5; por último, analizaremos la concepción de dios según el libro doce de la metafísica y la relación que existe entre dios y el intelecto humano. / Tesis

Die „Identitäre Bewegung“ (IB) als eine Strömung der hiesigen und international Neuen Rechten versteht sich als europaweite, aktionistisch orientierte Jugendbewegung. Ihr priorisiertes Themenfeld bezieht sich auf die Gefährdung der kulturellen Identität Europas durch die zunehmende „Islamisierung“, die Ablehnung der multikulturellen Gesellschaft und Widerstand gegen außereuropäische Einwanderung (Camus 2017: 233). Der Beitrag diskutiert zunächst Merkmale des sozial-psychologischen Konstrukts Identität. Im Anschluss daran werden die Öffentlichkeitsstrategien der „Identitären Bewegung“ in Deutschland dargestellt, um die Strukturen IB-bezogener Themensetzung im Rahmen der (präsenz-) öffentlichen wie digitalen Kommunikation herauszuarbeiten.