Drawing on Ottoman and British archival sources as well as published materials in Arabic and modern Turkish, this dissertation analyzes how the Hijaz and the hajj to Mecca simultaneously became objects of Ottoman modernization, global public health, international law, and inter-imperial competition during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. I argue that from the early 1880s onward, Ottoman administrators embarked on an ambitious redefinition of the empire’s Arab tribal frontiers. Through modern engineering, technology, medicine, and ethnography, they set out to manage human life and the resources needed to sustain it, transform Bedouins into proper subjects, and gradually replace autonomous political life with more rigorous forms of territorial power. At the same time, with the advent of the steamship colonial regimes identified Mecca as the source of a “twin infection” of sanitary and security threats. Repeated outbreaks of cholera marked steamship-going pilgrimage traffic as a dangerous form of travel and a vehicle for the globalization of epidemic diseases. European, especially British Indian, officials feared that lengthy sojourns in Arabia might expose their Muslim subjects to radicalizing influences from diasporic networks of anti-colonial dissidents and pan-Islamic activists. In contrast to scholarship framing biopolitical surveillance over the hajj as a colonial project, I emphasize the interplay between European and Ottoman visions of quarantines, medical inspections, steamship regulations, passports, and border controls. As with other more overtly strategic projects, such as rail and telegraph lines, I argue that the Ottoman state sought to harness the increasing medicalization of the hajj, Hijazi society, and the Arabian environment as part of a broader assemblage of efforts to consolidate its autonomous southern frontiers. Although historians have frequently held up the Hijaz and the pilgrimage to Mecca as natural assets for the invention of Hamidian tradition and legitimacy, they have often failed to recognize or clearly articulate how the very globalizing technologies of steam, print, and telegraphy, which made the dissemination and management of the Sultan-Caliph’s carefully curated image possible, were only just beginning to make the erection of more meaningful structures of Ottoman governmentality, biopolitical security, and territorial sovereignty in the Hijaz possible. And while modern technologies clearly lay at the very heart of the Hamidian impulse to reform, develop, and modernize the empire, concomitantly these very same technologies were also extending British India’s extraterritorial reach into the Hijaz. Thus, as an alternative to the traditional “Pan-Islamic” framing of the late Ottoman Hijaz, this study seeks to identify the assemblages of legal, documentary, technological, scientific, and environmental questions, the “everyday details” and quotidian “mechanics,” which were actually escalating and intensifying Anglo-Ottoman and wider international clashes over the status of the Hijaz and the administration of the hajj. In a sense, this dissertation is also a history of negation, absence, and contradiction. In order to better understand the possibilities and the limits of late Ottoman rule in the Hijaz, I spend much of this study detailing the enormous obstacles to territorial sovereignty and modern governmentality through an investigation of their Janus-faced inversions, autonomy and extraterritoriality. I argue that the autonomous legal status, exceptions, and special privileges enjoyed by both the Sharifate of Mecca and the Hijazi population (Bedouin and urban) laid bare the compromised nature and limits of Ottoman sovereignty and provided both the gateway and the rationale for the extension of the Capitulations and European extraterritorial protection into corners of the Ottoman world and Muslim spiritual affairs, which prior to the late-nineteenth century had been inconceivable.

This dissertation traces the reception of Antonio Gramsci’s works over a series of critical moments in the development of the Latin American left, including the transitions to democracy in Argentina and Brazil, Latin American subaltern studies in the academic sphere, and the rhetoric of Pink Tide governments of the twenty-first century, with a focus on Bolivia. My central argument is that Gramsci has appealed to Latin American intellectuals as a theorist of the state—notwithstanding his more frequent characterization as primarily a theorist of civil society—and that the different appropriations and deployments of Gramscian concepts such as the war of position and the integral state have been oriented, in one way or another, toward a defense of constituted as opposed to constituent power, and more generally toward the closure of constituted political subjectivities. The project is intended at once as a study of the historico-political conditions of intellectual production in Latin America, and more specifically as a contribution to the scholarship on the long history of the centrality of the state in Latin American politics, as well as an examination, focused on a particular theoretical field, of modes of appropriation and resignification of political concepts in the construction and contestation of power.

"June 2002" / Bibliography: leaves 229-270. / ix, 270 leaves ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 2002

"October 2003" / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 364-412) / x, 412 leaves : ill., maps ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Establishes a unifying theory for the concept of middle power. Hybridisation theory is presented as a basis for analysis, policy development and prediction of middle power statecraft and perceived power. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of Politics, 2004

The purpose of this study is to analyze the international political events and commentary presented in five comic strips from 1940 to 1970. The investigation focused on the narratives, individual episodes and characterizations presented in the strips. The research was taken from approximately 51,000 strips over the thirty year period. Four of the strips used in the study covered the entire period, and included: Li'l Abner - Al Capp, Little Orphan Annie - Harold Gray, Smilin' Jack - Zack Mosley, and Terr and the Pirates - Milton Caniff (1940-47) and George Wunder (1947-1970). One strip, Pogo, drawn by Walt Kelly, was available only from 1950-70.The three decade period was utilized in order to study a sufficient number of strips so the cartoonists' ideas and attitudes could be understood. The time period selected was a volatile period in international affairs in which the United States played a major role. The investigation concentrates on two major areas of international politics: World War II and the cold war era. The study reveals that the cartoonists in portraying these two major found events used their medium not only for entertainment but to support the United States in its international activities.In addition they used international political affairs and events as sources of information to draw action stories and make political statements. In this vein, World War II offered a great opportunity for the cartoonists. The narratives presented in the strips offered constant reminders of the war in Europe and Asia, and engendered American support for the war effort. The authors pushed American values and democratic principles while formulating a negative image of the Axis leaders and military. In this way, the cartoonists used their medium to propagandize their readers into full support for the war.During the cold war era, the cartoonists again in international affairs a rich source of information for their stories. The strips portrayed the intense rivalry of the cold war conflict initially focusing on the Soviet Union. Narratives were included which depicted the Soviet leaders negatively, especially Premier Nikita Khrushchev. The Russian people, Soviet life and Communism in general were also represented in the strips in a disreputable fashion. In addition, the vigorous competition of the arms and space races were depicted in the strips.The other major nation of the cold war, which the cartoonists characterized in their strips, was China. The authors wrote stories about the civil war in China and obviously supported the Nationalists. After the Nationalists were exiled to Formosa, the narratives focused on the People's Republic of China. The stories depicted the Chinese Communists' methods of governing and their leadership, especially Mao Tse-tung. The propaganda efforts of the Chinese Communists were frequently represented in the strips as well as the attempts to expand their influence in the Pacific area. In addition, the Sino-Soviet split was included, with the cartoonists' portraying the Chinese attempting to take over the leadership of the Communist world from the Soviets.The cartoonists also used their strips to convey information, ideas, and opinions about the third world areas of Vietnam, Latin America and the Middle East. With Vietnam, the stories centered on the war, while the authors represented the Vietcong and North Vietnamese as evil and detestable people. The influence of the Vietnamese war on the American political scene was also considered. In their narratives about Latin America, the cartoonists illustrated the area in terms of revolution, corruption and smuggling. Communism and Fidel Castro's Cuba were frequently used in the strips. Communism and oil were the two major themes the cartoonists used in the strips that dealt with the Middle East.This study presents a narrative of the strips with an analysis of the cartoonists' aims, objectives, and opinions. The work also contains an annotated bibliography.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Political Science, August 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 276-365). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of History , 2002. / "June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270.