"October 2003" / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 364-412) / x, 412 leaves : ill., maps ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Establishes a unifying theory for the concept of middle power. Hybridisation theory is presented as a basis for analysis, policy development and prediction of middle power statecraft and perceived power. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of Politics, 2004

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 39-40). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Miami, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-230).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 39-40). Also available on the Internet.

This dissertation studies nuclear crisis behavior. Specifically, it theorizes behavior between middle powers with nuclear weapons that are nested within a world with larger hegemonic states. The situation represents a paradigm shift from the bipolar context of the Cold War where all nuclear crises involved one or both superpowers, thereby implying an absence of stronger third parties that could fundamentally alter their crisis behavior. We have focused on the India-Pakistan rivalry, and specifically on their three nuclear crises since South Asia's overt nuclearization: the 1999 Kargil crisis; the 2001-02 standoff; and the 2008 Mumbai crisis. These three case studies form the universe of crises between two middle power nuclear states with stronger third parties present to influence their behavior. Using the structured focused comparison method and relying on existing empirical analyses of these crises, interviews with relevant officials and experts, and newspaper archival research, we have process-traced the key developments in each crisis to identify the processes and mechanisms underpinning behavior. The dissertation argues that middle power nuclear crises ought to be seen as trilateral engagements that accord a key crisis management role to stronger third parties. Crisis behavior can be best understood through "brokered bargaining" - defined as a three-cornered bargaining exercise between the two principal antagonists and a third party which is primarily seeking crisis de-escalation. Brokered bargaining theory predicts that this three-cornered engagement will play out in the expected manner each time a middle power nuclear crisis occurs as long as the outside actors do not intervene as competitor third parties. We reject theories that posit the dynamics of bilateral nuclear deterrence as the principal drivers of de-escalation, and equally, analyses that see third parties as standalone explanations for peaceful outcomes. We contend that it is the process of trilateral interaction encompassed by the brokered bargaining model and marked by a recursive interplay of perceptions, expectations, incentives, and strategies of the three actors that shapes crisis behavior, and in turn, trajectories and outcomes. The research is generalizable to potential nuclear rivalries in the Middle East and remains relevant to the Sino-Indian dyad and rivalries on the Korean peninsula. / 2019-05-31

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2004. / Thesis Advisor(s): Barak Salmoni. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

abstract: Counterinsurgency (COIN) is a long process that even great powers struggle with. Nevertheless, South Korea as a middle power was successful with COINs in Vietnam and Iraq. What were the drivers for the Republic of Korea (ROK) military's success? This dissertation maintains that the unusual nature of missions coupled with political/socio-cultural advantages are sufficient conditions for success of the middle power COIN. COIN missions are seen as unusual to middle powers. A rare mission stimulates military forces to fight harder because they recognize this mission as an opportunity to increase their national prestige. COIN mission success is also more probable for middle powers because their forces make the best of their country's political/socio-cultural advantages. The ROK military's COINs are optimal cases to test these hypotheses. The ROK military's COIN in Vietnam was an extremely rare mission, which increased its enthusiasm. This enthusiasm was converted into appropriate capabilities. By identifying battleground dynamics, the ROK forces initially chose an enemy-oriented approach based upon the method of company-led tactical base, and then later introduced a population-led method. South Korea's political/socio-cultural advantages also contributed to its military success in Vietnam. The Confucius culture that South Koreans and Vietnamese shared allowed the ROK forces to win the hearts and minds of the Vietnamese population. The mission in Iraq was also a rare and important one for national prestige. Accordingly, South Korean forces were equipped with pride and were enthusiastic about missions in Arbil. They changed their organization from a rigid one to a more flexible one by strengthening civil-military units. The ROK military possessed the ability to choose a population-centric approach. South Korea's political and cultural climate also served as an advantage to accomplish COIN in Iraq. The culture of Jung allowed ROK soldiers to sincerely help the local Iraqis. This project contributes to developing a theory of the middle power COIN. The findings also generate security policy implications of how to deal with contingent situations led by the collapse of the North Korean regime and how to redefine the ROK military strategy for the future. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Political Science 2011

Despite a comprehensive research of South Africa’s power status, the available literature does not provide a satisfactory explanation of whether South Africa is an emerging power or not. Countries in the Global South with a vigorous economic growth are often offhandedly assigned an emerging power status. Since power is built on more than economics, more specific indicators of how to measure South Africa’s power status need to be applied, in order to draw legitimate conclusions about whether it is an emerging power or not, which this study aims to do. When South Africa’s power status is identified, the observance of changes in international power distribution and understanding of powerful states’ influence on the international arena may increase. It may also be easier to predict how their power statuses can favour or disfavour other countries. This investigation is conducted through a qualitative text analysis and a single case study with a deductive approach. South Africa’s power status is analysed through the glasses of the analytical framework of Sven Biscop and Thomas Renard’s “seven dimensions of power”. The findings suggest that South Africa is an emerging power, since the country succeeds in five out of seven dimensions of power, and partly succeeds in two dimensions, but has also made a great progress in most power dimensions.

<p dir="ltr">This dissertation investigates the involvement of middle powers in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs), specifically focusing on Canada and the Republic of Korea. The primary objective of this research is to comprehend the motives and behaviors of middle powers when engaging in peacekeeping efforts and to identify the key factors that influence their decisions. To achieve this goal, a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative and documentary analyses, is employed. The analysis draws data from government documents, reports, academic articles, and United Nations databases.</p><p dir="ltr">The political, security, economic, institutional, and normative rationales identified by Bellamy and Williams (2013) have a substantial influence on the involvement of middle powers in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs). Although some rationales might hold greater prominence, the study recognizes that each rationale affects the choices made by middle powers to participate in UNPKOs. The research presents five hypotheses aimed at elucidating middle powers' engagement in UNPKOs and investigates the factors influencing countries' decisions to take part in these operations, particularly focusing on middle powers. The case studies of Canada and the Republic of Korea provide valuable insights into the diverse factors influencing middle powers' engagement in UNPKOs.</p><p dir="ltr">The study's findings hold implications for policymakers and practitioners in the field of middle powers and peacekeeping operations. Comprehending the factors influencing middle powers and their motivations can guide the development of effective strategies for engaging these actors and leveraging their unique capabilities in achieving peace and security objectives.</p>

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Canada between 1945 and 2010 has been classified as a prominent "middle power." At the same time its relative standing among nations has been declining and it has less regard in the world than it once did. Middle power theory seeks to classify those nations who in the wake of the Second World War were neither great powers nor non- great powers. The idea of middlepowermanship greatly appealed to Canadians and they undertook initiatives to separate themselves from the non-great powers. Canada is often seen as the exemplary case for observing middle power status. Through the post war era and the Cold War Canada was both economically and politically powerful. By getting involved in a plethora of multi-lateral bodies such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth while promoting peacekeeping and mediation, Canada was able to exert its growing influence on the world order. Throughout this time Canada worked hard to build its reputation as a mediator and specialized in ending quarrels. This is true of Canada’s involvement in the Commonwealth in the 1960s and 1970s with regard to the Rhodesian question. On two separate occasions it was the Canadian contingents that prevented the Commonwealth from dissipating. This further bolstered Canada’s rise to prominence in the world order. Over the years, as Canada took on more initiatives resources became very thinly spread. With an economic slow down and new commitments to national policies (universal healthcare and pensions) the Canadian budget was rearranged and priorities changed. No longer were there the same resources available to middle power initiatives or the military. This has greatly impacted Canada’s ability to participate in international projects. Recently, Canada’s position in the world has come into question, asking whether or not it truly is still a middle power. By looking at various traditional middle power elements including the economy, peacekeeping, official development assistance and involvement in multilateral bodies it can be seen that Canada’s prominence is waning. Using the case study of Zimbabwean/ Canadian relations through the 20th and 21st centuries, the decline of Canada’s middle power performance can be traced. Combining these different themes with hard and soft power theory it is clear to see that Canada no longer holds the same position of middle power it once did. It also shows that Canadians are holding onto an image of Canada, which is dated, and it is time to redefine Canada’s position within the world order. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tussen 1945 en 2010 is Kanada geklassifiseer as ’n prominente “middelmag.” Terselfdertyd het Kanada se relatiewe posisie ten opsigte van ander nasies begin afneem en minder aansien in die wêreld geniet as voorheen. Die middelmag-teorie poog om daardie nasies te klassifiseer wat na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog nóg grootmagte, nóg kleinmagte was. Die Kanadese was aangetrokke tot die idee van middelmagskap en hulle het inisiatiewe onderneem om hulself van ander nie-grootmagte te onderskei. Kanada word dikwels gesien as die toonbeeld van die middelmag rol. Gedurende die post-oorlog era, asook tydens die Koue Oorlog was Kanada beide ekonomies en polities invloedryk. Deur betrokke te raak in multi-laterale instellings soos die Verenigde Nasies en die Statebond, en terselfdertyd vredeskepping en bemiddeling te bevorder, kon Kanada sy groeiende invloed op die wêreld orde uitoefen. Gedurende hierdie tyd het Kanada hard gewerk om sy reputasie as bemiddelaar gestand te doen en te spesialiseer in die beëindiging van dispute. Laasgenoemde word veral waargeneem in Kanada se betrokkenheid in die Statebond met betrekking tot die Rhodesië-vraagstuk in die 1960s en 1970s. Op twee verskillende geleenthede was dit die Kanadese invloed wat verhoed het dat die Statebond ontbind. Dit het gesorg dat Kanada se prestige en prominensie in die wêreld orde toegeneem het. Oor die jare het Kanada meer inisiatiewe aangegaan en het die hulpbronne verminder. Dit, tesame met ’n stadige groeiende ekonomie en nuwe nasionale verpligtinge soos universele gesondheidsorg en pensioenfonds moes die Kanadese begroting herrangskik word en prioriteite moes verander. Daar was nie meer dieselfde hulpbronne beskikbaar vir middelmag- inisiatiewe of die weermag nie. Dit het grootliks Kanada se vermoë beïnvloed om aan internasionale inisiatiewe deel te neem. Onlangs het Kanada se posisie in die wêreld onder die loep gekom, en dit word bevraagteken of Kanada nog werklik ’n middelmag is. Deur te kyk na verskillende tradisionele middelmagelemente soos die ekonomie, vredeskepping, amptelike ontwikkelingsbystand en die betrokkenheid in die multilaterale organisasies, word dit waargeneem dat Kanada se prominensie afneem. Deur gebruik te maak van die gevallestudie van die Zimbabwe/Kanada-verhoudinge deur die 20ste en 21ste eeu, kan die afname van Kanada se middelmag-funksie waargeneem word. Met die kombinering van reeds genoemde temas met die teorieë van harde en sagte mag, kan dit duidelik gesien word dat Kanada nie meer dieselfde posisie van middelmag beklee wat dit eens gehad het nie. Verder wys dit dat die Kanadese aan ’n beeld van Kanada vasklou wat ouderwets is, en dat dit tyd is om Kanada se posisie te herdefinieer in die huidige wêreld orde.