People in modern industrialized societies live a blessed life relative to those who do not when it comes to some modern conveniences. While many think nothing of flipping on a light switch or running electric appliances, there are people in third world countries could not imagine such things. As service projects are being undertaken to bring such conveniences to those less fortunate, there often is the harsh reality of a strict budget. An item that commands a large portion of said budget is often the diesel generator used to provide the facility with electricity. Generators serving motor loads are typically oversized due to a large kVA starting requirement. This paper addresses an approach to this problem by temporarily restricting the generator fuel supply by pulling back the rack of the mechanical governor reducing the frequency and voltage output as a motor load is switched onto the system. By reducing the voltage and frequency output of the generator, the motor is switched on at a time when its typically poor power factor and resulting kVA requirement is mitigated by the lower voltage and frequency allowing for a smaller generator to be used.

A presente tese objetiva fazer uma análise histórico-estrutural do padrão de crescimento econômico do regime autoritário-militar brasileiro (1964-1985), mostrando que, muito mais do que fatores conjunturais externos, como, por exemplo, as crises mundiais do petróleo de 1973 e 1979, a sua natureza, dinâmica e as contradições que lhe eram imanentes foram os principais fatores que impediram o Brasil de vir a se tornar uma potência mundial até o ano 2000, tal como pretendia a cúpula militar. Expõe o eixo sobre o qual giravam os planos econômicos dos governos deste regime, em especial dos presidentes Castelo Branco e Ernesto Geisel, argumentando que os mesmos, consubstanciados em estratégias não autonomistas, porque excessivamente dependentes de tecnologia e de capital industrial-financeiro forâneos, reduziram o poder de barganha do Estado brasileiro no cenário internacional. Enfoca também os pontos convergentes da economia política com a política externa, mostrando que - pelo fato dos governos militares terem se rendido à idéia de interdependência, crendo, com isso, que a limitação da soberania nacional era \"conveniente\" para que o Brasil recebesse créditos do Primeiro Mundo, em especial dos EUA -, isso impediu o fortalecimento do Poder Nacional. / This thesis is a historical-structural analysis of the Brazilian economic development pattern pursued by the military-authoritarian regime (1964-1985), showing that, more than non-domestic short-term causes, such as the world energy crisis due to oil price rises in 1973 and 1979, its nature, dynamics and the contradictions which were inherent in that pattern were the determining factors in the failure of Brazil to become a Great Power until 2000, as it was determined by the officialdom. It exposes the axis on which the then general-presidents\' economical plans turned round, specially Castelo Branco and Ernesto Geisel\'s, arguing that these plans, based on nonautonomous strategies, as they were too much dependent upon foreign capital and technology, reduced Brazil\'s bargaining power in the international environment. It also focuses on the connection between political economy and foreign policy, showing that - since the military governments surrendered to the idea of interdependence, believing that the limitation of national sovereignty was \"useful\" for receiving credit from First World, notably from the USA -, this impeded the fortification of National Power.

A presente tese objetiva fazer uma análise histórico-estrutural do padrão de crescimento econômico do regime autoritário-militar brasileiro (1964-1985), mostrando que, muito mais do que fatores conjunturais externos, como, por exemplo, as crises mundiais do petróleo de 1973 e 1979, a sua natureza, dinâmica e as contradições que lhe eram imanentes foram os principais fatores que impediram o Brasil de vir a se tornar uma potência mundial até o ano 2000, tal como pretendia a cúpula militar. Expõe o eixo sobre o qual giravam os planos econômicos dos governos deste regime, em especial dos presidentes Castelo Branco e Ernesto Geisel, argumentando que os mesmos, consubstanciados em estratégias não autonomistas, porque excessivamente dependentes de tecnologia e de capital industrial-financeiro forâneos, reduziram o poder de barganha do Estado brasileiro no cenário internacional. Enfoca também os pontos convergentes da economia política com a política externa, mostrando que - pelo fato dos governos militares terem se rendido à idéia de interdependência, crendo, com isso, que a limitação da soberania nacional era \"conveniente\" para que o Brasil recebesse créditos do Primeiro Mundo, em especial dos EUA -, isso impediu o fortalecimento do Poder Nacional. / This thesis is a historical-structural analysis of the Brazilian economic development pattern pursued by the military-authoritarian regime (1964-1985), showing that, more than non-domestic short-term causes, such as the world energy crisis due to oil price rises in 1973 and 1979, its nature, dynamics and the contradictions which were inherent in that pattern were the determining factors in the failure of Brazil to become a Great Power until 2000, as it was determined by the officialdom. It exposes the axis on which the then general-presidents\' economical plans turned round, specially Castelo Branco and Ernesto Geisel\'s, arguing that these plans, based on nonautonomous strategies, as they were too much dependent upon foreign capital and technology, reduced Brazil\'s bargaining power in the international environment. It also focuses on the connection between political economy and foreign policy, showing that - since the military governments surrendered to the idea of interdependence, believing that the limitation of national sovereignty was \"useful\" for receiving credit from First World, notably from the USA -, this impeded the fortification of National Power.

<p>Докторска дисертација &laquo;Русија на почетку XXI века &ndash; геополитичка<br />анализа&raquo; је рад који се састоји из шест делова. У првом делу &laquo;Теоретско &ndash;<br />методолошки увод&raquo; је постављена методолошко појмовна основа рада, извршен преглед досадашњих истраживања на ову тему и сабрани и анализирани</p><p>потребни извори и литература. Други део &laquo;Физичко &ndash; географске одлике<br />територије данашње Русије&raquo; се бави анализом и вредновањем рељефа и<br />педолошког покривача, климе, хидрографског потенцијала, биљног и<br />животињског света, те рудног и енергетског блага на подручју савремене Русије.<br />Док су први и други део рада квантитативно невелики (слично петом и шестом<br />делу), трећи и четврти део обухватају највећи део дисертације. Трећи део<br />&laquo;Историјска анализа геополитичке позиције Русије&raquo; се бави територијалним<br />развојем руске државе кроз историју, при чему су анализирани и остали<br />геополитички значајни фактори генезе њеног историјског положаја. Посебно је<br />посматран утицај који су на Русију кроз историју имали континенти на којима<br />се распростире, а извршена је и анализа билатералних историјских односа са<br />најзначајнијим суседима и светским силама, где су уочене и извесне<br />геополитичке правилности (по историчару Броделу то би биле историјске појаве<br />&laquo;средњег&raquo; и &laquo;дугог трајања&raquo;).</p><p>Четврти део &laquo;Геополитичка позиција савремене Русије&raquo; анализира<br />данашњу Русију са унутрашње и међународне позиције. У оквиру унутрашње<br />позиције се анализира економија, демографија, социолошка структура, култура<br />и унутрашњо &ndash; политичка позиција савремене руске државе. У односу на<br />окружење се анализира укупна позиција Русије у свету и посебно у односу на<br />суседе и поједине важне државе (са свим државама Европе и Азије и са<br />најважнијим силама на другим континентима). Пети део &laquo;Перспективе Русије у<br />следећим деценијама XXI века&raquo; садржи основне елементе предвиђања<br />унутрашњег развоја земље, као и њену позицију у светским токовима. Шести<br />део је прегледни &laquo;Закључак&raquo;.</p> / <p>Doktorska disertacija &laquo;Rusija na početku XXI veka &ndash; geopolitička<br />analiza&raquo; je rad koji se sastoji iz šest delova. U prvom delu &laquo;Teoretsko &ndash;<br />metodološki uvod&raquo; je postavljena metodološko pojmovna osnova rada, izvršen pregled dosadašnjih istraživanja na ovu temu i sabrani i analizirani</p><p>potrebni izvori i literatura. Drugi deo &laquo;Fizičko &ndash; geografske odlike<br />teritorije današnje Rusije&raquo; se bavi analizom i vrednovanjem reljefa i<br />pedološkog pokrivača, klime, hidrografskog potencijala, biljnog i<br />životinjskog sveta, te rudnog i energetskog blaga na području savremene Rusije.<br />Dok su prvi i drugi deo rada kvantitativno neveliki (slično petom i šestom<br />delu), treći i četvrti deo obuhvataju najveći deo disertacije. Treći deo<br />&laquo;Istorijska analiza geopolitičke pozicije Rusije&raquo; se bavi teritorijalnim<br />razvojem ruske države kroz istoriju, pri čemu su analizirani i ostali<br />geopolitički značajni faktori geneze njenog istorijskog položaja. Posebno je<br />posmatran uticaj koji su na Rusiju kroz istoriju imali kontinenti na kojima<br />se rasprostire, a izvršena je i analiza bilateralnih istorijskih odnosa sa<br />najznačajnijim susedima i svetskim silama, gde su uočene i izvesne<br />geopolitičke pravilnosti (po istoričaru Brodelu to bi bile istorijske pojave<br />&laquo;srednjeg&raquo; i &laquo;dugog trajanja&raquo;).</p><p>Četvrti deo &laquo;Geopolitička pozicija savremene Rusije&raquo; analizira<br />današnju Rusiju sa unutrašnje i međunarodne pozicije. U okviru unutrašnje<br />pozicije se analizira ekonomija, demografija, sociološka struktura, kultura<br />i unutrašnjo &ndash; politička pozicija savremene ruske države. U odnosu na<br />okruženje se analizira ukupna pozicija Rusije u svetu i posebno u odnosu na<br />susede i pojedine važne države (sa svim državama Evrope i Azije i sa<br />najvažnijim silama na drugim kontinentima). Peti deo &laquo;Perspektive Rusije u<br />sledećim decenijama XXI veka&raquo; sadrži osnovne elemente predviđanja<br />unutrašnjeg razvoja zemlje, kao i njenu poziciju u svetskim tokovima. Šesti<br />deo je pregledni &laquo;Zaključak&raquo;.</p> / <p>The doctor dissertation named &ldquo;Russia in the beginning of the 21th<br />century &ndash; geopolitical analyses&rdquo; is the work which is consisting of the six parts. In the<br />first part &ldquo;Theoretical methodological introduction&rdquo; is a setup of the methodologicaly<br />conceptual basis of this work and noticed previous researches of this subject matter<br />and summarized and analyzed the resources and literature. The second part of the<br />work &ldquo;Phiysical and geographical attributes of the nowdays Russian territory&rdquo;<br />engages in analyzing and valuing relief and soil cover, climate , hidrographycal<br />potential, wildlife, mineral and energy resources of nowdays Russia. While the first<br />and the second part of this work quantitative are a small (alike the fifth and the sixth<br />parts of the work ) the third and the fourt parts borders is the largest part of<br />dissertation . The third part of the work &ldquo;An historical analyses geopolitical positions<br />of Russia&rdquo; engages in territorial development of the Russian Government trough its<br />history whereat are analyzed another geopolitically important factors of genesis its<br />historical position. Especially is observed influence to Russia by continents of its<br />broadcasting and noticed some analyses of the bilateral historical attitudes to the<br />most important neighbourhood and other major world powers , where is noticed some<br />geopolitically regularities (accordin to a famous historian Brodel there are a historical<br />apparations named a period of medium-sized duration and a period of long- sized<br />duration) . The fourth part of the dissertation &ldquo;Geopolitical position of modern<br />Russia&rdquo; analyzes nowdays Russia in domestic policy and international context .Within<br />interior position is analysing economy, demography, social structures, culture, and<br />domestic policy position of modern Russia. Concerning to surroundings is analysing<br />position of Russia in wholle especially concerning to the neighbourhood and some<br />important countries ( and all countries of Europe, Asia, and the most important<br />powers of other continents). The fifth part &ldquo;Perspective of Russia in the next decades<br />of the 21 th century&rdquo; conteins a basic elements of the anticipations of internal<br />development and Russia&rsquo;s position in the world. The sixth part is a previewed<br />&ldquo;Epilogue&rdquo;.</p>

當前主權國家仍是人民利益的最高集中表現，亦是人類歷史發展形成現代文明的主要標誌，這事實命題預告著主權國家的功能與地位，在國內與國際之間的中介重要性。概括地說，研究西方國家的理論與方法，構成了認知現代文明標準的途逕和框架，對於邁向現代化國家的參照體，實有具體的模仿對應。環顧國際社會，對於西方國家所建立的現代文明，具有潛在挑戰性或威脅性的最大變數應屬中共，即強調有「中國特色」的因素，在於中共與國際接軌的同時，亦是「麻煩製造者」的產生，特別是在冷戰後的中共所代表的意義與影響。 　　從兩極格局瓦解所開啟冷戰後的新歷史時期，中共益顯自信對於「時代問題」的預判。換言之，強調「經濟因素」在國際層面上，是主導國際政治格局未來發展的關鍵力量，憑藉著槓桿原理將國家由邊陲位置轉向至核心地位，在制高點透過規範機制予以設計出有利於中共的國際政治、經濟新秩序。而在國內層面上，「經濟因素」亦是共產主義理論再創新的活力源泉，專注於中共治理的主權國家內部範疇，並保證共產黨執政的最大績效與人民的滿意度。構成了當前中共以共產主義中國化的本質，卻採取西方國家的市場經濟制度，即在綜合國力逐漸提升之際，西方國家深信地認知「中共崛起」的相對意義，卻是「中國威脅論」的序幕開始。 　　本文運用「認知途逕」去分析中共的世界觀，據以觀察其對國際形勢的變遷，是由於中共內因作用的影響，來理解中共的對外思維，實係有別於西方國家的世界觀，此部分亦說明了雙方結構性矛盾之所在。特別是在冷戰後的中共，在國際政治格局轉換的期間，表現出對於國際機制積極參與者和建構者的旺盛企圖，譬如以國際政治權力和利益的水平分權化為原則的多極化格局推動，認知是中共朝向大國之林的外交奮鬥目標。又例如2001年中共成為「世界貿易組織」第143個會員國，代表著中共經濟地位的戰略轉變。這是在中共與西方國家互動行為的歷史經驗積累，所得到「實力政治」的總結，使得中共在冷戰後的整體表現更傾向是現實主義的維護者。 / The thesis contends that an understanding of the effective and significant intermediate role of sovereignty both in the national and international relations. Sovereignty is not only the most advanced development of collectivity, but also the reform process of the modern civilization. The importance of this research is brought into focus by recent changes in broader economic and social reform programmes, political decentralization and reforms in China. By 1978 China was ready for major shifts in political and economic policy. Hong Kong had become essential as a vital source of foreign exchange for the Chinese economy. In addition, the return of Hong Kong by Britain in 1997 and of Macau by Portugal in 1999 formally heralded the end of European extra-territoriality in China. 　　After the Cold War, China seems to be potentially regarded as a ‘trouble maker’ in western societies. Unlike Russia, with the emergency of Chinese historical assessment, strategic analysis, contingency planning and policy reformulation, China has adopted a gradualist part-privatization policy based on ‘the characteristics of Chinese nationalism’, slowly opening its economy to the global economy while resisting democratic political reform. The thesis examines whether the reform and pace of reform is shaped by the desire to avoid political and social unrest which could, potentially, threaten the harmony of the Chinese central apparatus. 　　In addition, China has succeeded in combining stability with political-economic change on the mainland. The thesis views the fact that China has drawn the increasing attention from international perspectives in the western world. With its confidence, Chinese government has predicted the epoch belonging to China in terms of the powerful economic growth at the turn of the century. Although the successful EU integration and such international factors as the strategic perceptions of the USA may partially determine the future of the configuration of world power, China has taken a special position on the establishment of diplomatic relations from marginal position up to the vital status. Moreover, by concentrating on the internal affairs within China, Chinese government could remain the authority and legitimacy of the communism party. Chinese communism party has adopted the western marketization (free marketing system), which is now implicit in the development of successful ‘China Rising’; meanwhile, it has the potential to be propelled by the powerful trends of globalization and policy reformulation transferred into the stage of ‘China Threatening’ in international relations. 　　In this study, the perceptive approach is the main research methodology in analyzing Chinese global perspective on the diplomatic development as well as the political economy and international diplomatic relations of transition in China. Clearly, this study includes an examination of the influence of the powerful economic growth on the reproduction of the communism party in China. With ‘backdoor privatization’ through opening up the economy and the encouragement of foreign direct investment and non-state owned enterprises in the form of township-and village-owned enterprises, the Chinese economy has undergone dramatic transformation during the past two decades. However, control remains firmly in the hands of the Chinese communist party. 　　The thesis concludes that, to broaden the horizon in the western community, after the Cold War, China has been active and proactive on the establishment of diplomatic relations with western countries, and China has a tendency to commit itself to the guardian of realism. For example, China became a party of the 143rd member in World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which formally marked the milestone of the Chinese economic power in the world. These consistent changes have indicated that China embarked on its open policy and the western community evolved into the major economic and political force in the world.

(in English) The thesis "Information Policy of European Union in Bangemann's activities period in comparison with USA" is devoted to the Information policy issue applied by the European Union and the United States of America. The thesis structure is defined at the earliest; afterwards the basic terms are followed. The thesis describes the European Union history, which provides context needed to be able to understand the European Union Information policy. The description and evaluation of the European Information policy in Bangemann's activities period in comparison with USA in the same time period and the possibility of mutual utilization of pros of the Information policy of both countries is the aim of this thesis. The following part is occupied with the comparison of EU and USA Information policy at the beginning of 21st century.