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This thesis aims to ‘reconstruct’ the concept of nonviolence, offering a new unifying and pluralistic definition, which rejects recent worrying uses of the term, and is able to deal with the crisis of democracy and the construction of a post-secular society. Currently nonviolence is split in two between principled and pragmatic nonviolence. This division has been successful, but it is now a problem: it divides means and ends, politics and morality, religion and politics. In order to find a way out we will turn to the Italian philosopher Aldo Capitini. He interpreted nonviolence as a tension, a praxis of liberation from the chains of reality and openness to the existent. This approach includes a pragmatic dimension, which is a logic reinterpreting current practices and inventing new ones to build up via facti a new society (omnicracy); and a principled dimension, which is a craft of integrating reality with values, reaching its peak in the connection with everybody in an action of value (compresence). This approach offers actions of protest-to-project to overcome the division between means and ends; a political approach between ‘realism and serenity’ to overcome the division between politics and morality; an open religion which can work at the centre of society and politics. Finally, we will extend Capitini’s reflection claiming that nonviolence as praxis is a non-systematic revolutionary approach aiming at freedom and plurality. We will add that this praxis is impure, because made of less than perfect actions performed in a very imperfect environment by imperfect human beings. Reconceiving nonviolence as impure praxis will allow us to reunite principled and pragmatic nonviolence, reinterpreting the former as actualisation of a public principle and the latter as a phronesis. This interpretation will offer an interesting form of transformative realism, which enriches via facti any democratic order with life, and show the way to overcome the secular divisions towards a post-secular society centred on the Assisi presumption.

This research analyses the role of multi-stakeholder partnerships in enhancing governance to promote sustainable peace and security. It uses a case study of coltan exploitation and armed conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where the two wars between 1996 and 2003 and the ongoing conflict have led to the ‘world’s worst humanitarian crisis’. The current body of knowledge on conflict analyses, particularly ‘resource curse’ theory, emphasises the natural resource endowment and weak governance as the main factors contributing to the DRC conflict, and has been influential in policy formulation. The case study is supported by the collection and analysis of qualitative data from multiple sources using different methods including literature reviews, interviews and observations. In so doing, the research seeks to examine how multi-stakeholder partnerships can help to enhance governance and promote sustainable peace and security, with a focus on the role of the multi-stakeholder partnerships in curtailing revenues for the belligerents from coltan production and trade in the eastern DRC. The analysis of the conflicts and coltan exploitation revealed the intricate multi-layered nature of the conflicts in the DRC and their complex causalities. The examination of the multi-stakeholder partnerships relevant to coltan exploitation in the DRC identified a number of constraints for their implementation and concerns about adverse effects from the implementation, largely owing to the externally driven agenda of the partnerships, which neglects the local perspectives. Through the arguments presented in this thesis, the research contributes to knowledge in three broad areas: it contributes to ongoing academic discussions on conflict analyses, in particular the resource curse hypothesis and the economic agendas of civil war; it provides empirical analysis and data on the coltan industry and partnership initiatives in relation to armed conflicts in the eastern DRC; and it highlights the need to re-assess the concept of participatory governance as one of the key approaches to improving governance.

The protection of the emerging right of conscientious objection to military service is one of the most challenging questions in international human rights law. The primary objective of this doctoral thesis is to clearly identify the minimum international legal standards on the phenomenon of conscientious objection to military service as emerging from the jurisprudence of international human rights bodies. Furthermore, this study aims to explore and assess how the Member States of the Council of Europe are effectively implementing these standards within their domestic laws and practice. The implementation of legal standards on conscientious objection in the Council of Europe varies considerably between the 47 Member States of the organisation due to a rapidly transforming sociopolitical landscape that affects the speed in which legislative and procedural amendments take place. Some of the themes explored throughout this thesis include: the legal contours of the right to conscientious objection to military service, including the grounds legally accepted to justify a conscientious objection; procedural guarantees with regard to the application process to be granted conscientious objectors status; the provision of accurate information to members of the public affected by mandatory military service and the extension of these principles to professional members of the armed forces. The thesis is structured as a thematic presentation of applicable international human rights standards and State practice and explores common issues, best practices and future challenges between the Member States of the organisation. The study does not merely aspire to describe the present situation in the Council of Europe, but rather aims to contribute to academic know ledge by proposing the development of a more coherent framework of legal and procedural obligations, based on the need to review and adapt national legislation in accordance to indicators and benchmarks derived from the Council's standard-setting policies.

Il y a une dynamique des contraires dans la politique de l’État, en France, pour promouvoir les études stratégiques : d’une part, il semble régulièrement soucieux de les développer ; de l’autre, tout aussi invariablement, il parait tâtonner pour y parvenir, voire parfois leur refuser la liberté nécessaire. Caractérisées tant par la pratique inconstante des instituts de recherche et des organismes gouvernementaux que par une insertion problématique au sein de l’Université, les études stratégiques sont à l’interface de l’étude des guerres, de la paix et des conflits, et s’incarnent de manière hautement fragmentée dans une kyrielle de disciplines plus ou moins connexes. Cet éclectisme explique pour partie les difficultés rencontrées, parmi d’autres raisons comme l’omniprésence de l’État, la puissance des réseaux, ou l’héritage du contexte de l’après-Guerre d’Algérie après que le général de Gaulle a imposé une orthodoxie doctrinale. En combinant profondeur de champ historique et analyse politique, cette thèse, historiographique et cartographique, se propose de passer en revue les nombreux organismes, instituts et périodiques qui travaillent et publient, de près ou de loin, dans le domaine des études stratégiques, ainsi que d’expliquer les raisons pour lesquelles, malgré un passé brillant, ces dernières peinent à trouver leurs marques. Les travaux des centres de type think tank, structures dont la création, de surcroît, est récente dans le paysage stratégique français, ont, pendant longtemps, et même dans une certaine mesure encore maintenant, souffert d’une certaine déconsidération des pouvoirs publics en matière de réflexion et d’expertise sur les questions militaro-stratégiques en dépit d’un discours de l’État laissant croire l’inverse. Cette problématique, conjuguée , d’une part, à une difficulté de dialogue entre les universitaires et les militaires, et, d’autre part, à la particularité de l’objet de recherche des études stratégiques qu’est celle de la guerre qui commande une approche multidisciplinaire alors même que notre système universitaire est caractérisé par des exigences mono disciplinaires, expliquent les obstacles pour que les études stratégiques se développent dans l’alma mater. / There has been a dynamic of contraries in the French State’s policies when it comes to promoting strategic studies : while its officials often seem willing to see it flourish, they no less often give the impression that they are unsure of how to achieve that end – or worse, reluctant at times to grant them free rein. Characterized by the practice of research institutes or government organizations, as well as by an insecure footing in academia, strategic studies is at the interface of a myriad related and overlapping disciplines and remains highly fragmented. Such eclecticism partly explains the problems encountered – among other factors, the ubiquity of the State, the power of networks, or the legacy of the post-Algerian War period when General de Gaulle imposed doctrinal orthodoxy. By combining a long-term historical perspective and political analysis, this doctoral dissertation aims to review the numerous organizations, research institutes and journals involved, however indirectly, in the field of strategic studies, as well as to explain why, despite a glorious past, it still has to find its bearings. Think tanks – very recent structures within the French strategic landscape – were, and to a certain extent are still nowadays, discredited by public authorities in terms of reflection and expertise on strategic issues in spite of a discourse of the French State which could make believe the opposite. This issue, combined, on the one hand, with the lack of dialogue between academics and militaries and, on the other hand, with the peculiarity of the object of research of strategic studies, a disciplinary field which demands a multidisciplinary approach whereas the main feature of French academia is to be monodisciplinary, explains the impediments of the development of strategic studies within the alma mater.

This dissertation examines Tolstoy’s reevaluation of his creative approaches to writing through the medium of his experimental pedagogical work with the peasant children on his estate. It is argued that Tolstoy’s pedagogical interlude forms an important bridge to the writer’s fiction and should not be viewed as a digression from his development as a writer, but as an integral part of it. This project explores how the educational essays Tolstoy wrote during this period facilitate his transition from championing the aesthetic theory of “pure art” in his formative years as a writer for The Contemporary to a more mature author of War and Peace, the major masterwork that is imbued with conclusions reached during his pedagogical interlude. Tolstoy’s evolution as a writer is examined in the context of his relationship to the aesthetic ideas of the 1850’s that became a springboard for Tolstoy’s later aesthetic concepts. A comprehensive textual analysis of Tolstoy’s lesser known early works such as Notes from Lucerne and “Albert” is undertaken in order to highlight some of their important stylistic peculiarities that provide a valuable insight into the authorial presence and the nature of Tolstoy’s aesthetic rhetoric. Further, it is demonstrated how the school at Yasnaya Polyana becomes the writer’s experimental workshop, a testing ground for Tolstoy’s pedagogical theories and his creative ideas, which he checks against his students’ perception. Finally, the study is concluded by examining Tolstoy’s most encompassing work, his epic novel War and Peace through the medium of his educational writings and ideas. By locating some of the main concepts of his pedagogical philosophy in the context of this monumental masterwork, we illuminate their meaning more clearly as filtered through the prism of Tolstoy’s creative thought in order to demonstrate to what extent Tolstoy’s educational ideas informed his creative writings. It is established that all the central principles of Tolstoy’s educational thought such as his pedagogy of freedom, his ideas of aesthetic education through reading, art and music, his religious and moral education found their reflections on the pages of War and Peace and commend a great deal to a modern educator. / text

In recent decades we have seen an increase in peace processes aimed at solving armed conflicts through peaceful means. The often fragile characteristics of such processes and the settlements that they produce underline the essential importance of improving our understanding of the dynamics at play in transitions from war to peace. This thesis aims to contribute to this overarching objective by analysing ceasefire agreements in relation to peace processes in two protracted intrastate armed conflicts: Aceh, Indonesia, and Sri Lanka. In the scholarly literature, ceasefire agreements are often assumed to create momentum due to their ability to pave the way to a peaceful solution. At the same time, it has also been suggested that ceasefires can influence conflict dynamics in negative ways. Although there are many unanswered questions about ceasefire agreements in contemporary peace processes, few studies have been devoted to systematic and in-depth analysis of how ceasefire agreements can be characterized and analysed in relation to peace processes in protracted intrastate conflicts. This thesis, which is based on written documents and on interviews conducted during four research trips to the region, contributes to filling this research gap by presenting comparative case studies of Aceh and Sri Lanka. The point of departure in the study is a process-oriented, conflict dynamics approach and a view that war-to-peace transitions require changes in the conflicting parties’ attitudes, behaviours and relationships. I analyse and compare ceasefire agreements by looking at their initiation, form and content, and by examining their implementation and the unfolding of the processes. I identify six key factors in the literature that can influence the conflicting parties’ attitudes, behaviours and relationships. I then use these factors to analyse ceasefire agreements in relation to the dynamics of the broader peace processes. In this thesis I show how these key factors – including issues of recognition, trust, whether the parties’ claims are met, international involvement, contextual changes and intra-party dynamics – have mattered. I also show that context is important for understanding how and why they have mattered. The results suggest that ceasefire agreements can facilitate war-topeace transitions; however, it also illuminates challenges and the risk that such agreements can be counter-productive in the context of intrastate conflicts. The study also shows that ceasefire agreements have a historical legacy, as illustrated by their impact on subsequent interactions and agreements, and it underlines the symbolic politics of ceasefires in asymmetrical intrastate conflicts. The thesis ends with a number of propositions, among others that ceasefire agreements tend to become more comprehensive over time and that power struggles and developments within the conflicting parties are important for understanding ceasefire agreements in relation to contemporary peace processes.

This dissertation studies the critical and historical examination of modern Japanese Buddhism in terms of its collaboration with and resistance to ultranationalism and militarism before and during World War II. It also examines how Buddhism came to Japan and transformed itself according to the historical, social and political contexts throughout history. Also it shows how and why Japanese Buddhism has transformed the Gautama Buddha's teachings, the Dhamma and the notion of community, Sangha to its own in terms in relationship to the state. In order to examine the Japan's modern-nation-state's invention of installing a national consciousness and identity in the people through the means of State Shinto and the emperor, kokutai ideology after the Meiji Restoration in 1868, I apply the methodologies of social critical theories of James Scott, Benedict Anderson, Michel Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu. After the Tokugawa shogunate's long patronage of Buddhism (1602-1868), the dissertation examines how modern Japanese Buddhism was challenged by the Meiji state, and transformed itself to meet the need of the modern-nation-state centered on State Shinto and kokutai ideology. Moreover, it exposes how Japanese Buddhism struggled to meet the modernity itself such as individuality and socialization. Furthermore, in the 1930-40's, in the context of rise of ultranationalism and militarism in the name of "overcoming modernity," this dissertation explores how the Japanese Buddhist sects such as True Pure Land, Nichiren, Zen, and the Kyoto School collaborated with and resisted to them. Despite the main Japanese Buddhism's active participation in the war, there were few Japanese Buddhists' resistances. The dissertation examines why and how they could not effectively resist but failed. Moreover, the dissertation shows that there were several opportunities that Japanese Buddhism might have stopped the state's control of religions--the rise of ultranationalism and war ideology in the cases of Uchimura Kanzô's lese majeste in the 1890's, the state's failures of ratification on the Religious Organization Law twice in the 1920's, and Seno'o Girô's anti-fascist movements in the 1930's--the Buddhists had had critical minds and organizational wills alongside with the interreligious cooperation with Christianity and new religions. Thus, this dissertation critically examines Japanese Buddhism in three terms; the social critical ethics, the interreligious dialogue, and the trans-national dialogue. It shows why and how Japanese Buddhism lost the Buddha's critical mind, social ethics, the democratic origin of Sangha, as well as the trans-national dialogue with Korean, Chinese and South Asian Buddhists and eventually justified the Japanese imperial aggression against Asia. I hope that my dissertation will help the Japanese Buddhists undertake a self-critical examination of their involvement in World War II, and would set up a good example of self-criticism of religion and nationalism. It could certainly help the current Islamic people's struggles for democracy, nationalism and holy war. Also in case of China's nationalistic expansionism which resembles the Japan of 1930-40's, in the name of nationalism and social harmony, religious freedom was limited to the inner private realm, but its public role in checking nationalism was suppressed. Tibetan Buddhism, Falun Gong and house Christian churches cried out for their freedom. Therefore the self-critical examination of the rise and fall of the Japanese empire in terms of religion, religious freedom and ultranationalism might help Chinese religions and intellectuals as well as other cases involving religion, nationalism and war. / Religion

Louisiana developed an extensive system of levees throughout the Atchafalaya Basin and along its territorial Mississippi River. This system reached its zenith on the eve of the American Civil War. It went into dramatic decline following the conflict due to the confluence of military activity, protracted irregular warfare, and neglect stemming from labor and capital revolution. These shifts intensified with the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation and finally consolidated after the ratification of Louisiana’s Constitution of 1879. The shift of responsibility for the construction and maintenance of levees during the Reconstruction Era led to many significant changes in the character and function of many of the State’s institutions as it struggled to adapt to the postwar order it confronted.