This thesis examines the attitudes of British people to the aerial bombardment of German cities during the Second World War, with particular attention given to those who challenged the nature of the campaign. I use contemporary sources with a strong emphasis on qualitative data to develop a picture of attitudes at the time and situate the roots of the significant post-war controversy within these contemporary attitudes. The thesis offers a more sustained and textured account of anti-bombing sentiment than other historiographical works. An introductory chapter charts the development of aerial bombing in the early years of the twentieth century. The extent to which Britain engaged with aerial bombardment, and how it was understood by people in Britain, are addressed here. Three case studies – each focusing on a different raid on a German city – are then used to address how attitudes to the bomber offensive were shaped at different stages of the war. The first is the December 1940 attack on Mannheim. This took place during the Blitz on British cities, a factor which has implications for the nature of responses at this time. The question of reprisals is important here. I show how the desire for reprisals was far from universal, yet it was overstated in the press and by Prime Minister Winston Churchill. The second case study addresses the series of heavy attacks on Hamburg in July and August 1943. This followed the decision, taken the previous year, to officially adopt a policy of area bombing. This chapter shows how the Archbishop of Canterbury's support for the campaign stifled voices of protest at this time. The final case study considers the raids on Dresden in February 1945. Churchill's response is addressed in this chapter and contrasted with the immediate concerns raised in the press and in private diaries.

Since the end of the Second World War, numerous British veterans of that conflict have made the decision to publish a memoir of their military experiences on the front-line. This thesis investigates the contribution of these sources to the historical record of warfare between 1939 and 1945. Contending that these documents reveal something unique and important about the ways in which former combatants participated in and interpreted battle, the thesis focuses on two core research questions. First, it explores what these narratives reveal about the experience and representation of combat, examining the interplay of the authors with the natural environments in which they operated, the machines with which they fought, the enemy they tried to kill, and the comrades with whom they served. Second, it inquires into the intention and function of these texts, assessing why and how they were created. In order to address these questions, this thesis draws on a wide pool of veteran memoirs, written by former front-line personnel from the RAF, Royal Navy and Army, and published since 1950. It also draws, where appropriate, on unpublished sources such as those to be found in the Archive of British Publishing and Printing at the University of Reading. Through these lines of inquiry, the thesis identifies the ways in which veterans lived, remembered, understood, and communicated their experiences of combat during the Second World War, and argues for the merit of the military memoir as a historical source.

This thesis is a detailed analysis of British foreign policy between 3 September 1939 and 10 May 1940. It concentrates on policy towards the Far East, Italy, the Soviet Union, the Balkans, and Scandinavia. These areas represented the biggest challenges to British policy following the outbreak of war with Germany: Japan and Italy, whilst nominal allies of Germany, had opted to stay out of the war, the Soviet Union appeared to be acting in collaboration with Germany but was not at war with Britain, and the Balkans and Scandinavia were the most likely theatres of war if the conflict were to spread. Lack of resources dictated that British efforts be directed towards minimising military activity and containing the conflict, whilst putting economic pressure on Germany’s ability to fight. Potential allies of Germany had to be dissuaded from entering the war and prevented from helping Germany economically. Potential theatres of war had to be kept neutral unless or until an extension of hostilities would be in Britain’s interests. The contradictions and conflicts of interest created by these policies posed serious problems, and it is the British attempts to solve these problems which form the focus of this study.

A discussion on the psychological studies Professor Fischer is making on Hitler. He bases his study of Hitler's mental state on interviews he conducted with 30 people who were in direct contact with Hitler in both his early and later days.

Walther Funk, Reich Minister of Economic Affairs in Nazi Germany, describes his argument with Goebbels over the laws against Jews. He felt he could better help people if he did not resign or continue to argue against the new laws. He states that he knew nothing about the extermination of Jews. He also relates a conversation with Hess over the problems of getting raw materials if Germany declared war with Russia.

Dr. Himdemith, German Defense Counsel, requested an interview with Judge Musmanno to discuss Judge Musmanno's opinion in the Einsatzgrupper case. They discussed Hindemith's views on German guilt.

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio State University. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 136-140). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Historians have established the framework of Canada’s general political, economic, and military participation in the Second World War, but there has been little research into the ways that the national war effort affected individuals or local communities. This dissertation explores the wartime experience of ordinary Winnipeggers through their responses to recruiting, the treatment of minorities, war finance publicity, participation in voluntary community service, and the adjustments made necessary by family separation. It questions the prevailing narrative of the war as a unifying national experience, focusing on issues like civilian morale and the relationship between citizens and the state. In some ways, the depth of the patriotic consensus was remarkable in a city that was far removed from any real enemy threat. The population was highly polyethnic, with strong class divisions and a vibrant tradition of political protest. Both factors meant a greater number of potential fault lines. But the large number of ethnic groups in Winnipeg and the Left’s relative lack of political power also meant that there was no dominant minority to seriously challenge the interpretation of the war expressed by the city’s charter group. Social cohesion was enhanced in Winnipeg despite the absence of real danger for a number of reasons: the connection of ethnic communities to occupied or threatened homelands, like Poland or the United Kingdom; the effectiveness of both official and unofficial information management, such as Victory Loan publicity; and the strong identification people maintained with family and friends in the armed forces, war industries, or state institutions. The war effort affected people as individuals and as members of families and the wider community. Its impact was at times unjust and destructive yet most hardships were ultimately accepted as necessary for the war’s successful prosecution. / February 2009

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Catholic University of America, 1922. / Vita. Bibliography: p. 136-138.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Lehigh University, 2001. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 283-285).