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Völkisches Gedankengut und deutsche Kriegszieldiskussion während des ersten Weltkrieges /Peters, Michael, January 2007 (has links)
Thesis (Magisterarbeit)--Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, 1980/1981. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-118).
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Maatregelen ter handhaving onzer onzijdigheid in den huidigen oorlog ...Carsten, Lambertus. January 1916 (has links)
Proefschrift--Leiden.
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Jawne i tajne szkoły polskie w województwie białostockim w latach II wojny światowejJanuszek, Franciszek. January 1975 (has links)
Rozprawa habilitacyjna--Warsaw. / Summaries in English and Russian. Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
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"A share of the sacrifice" Newfoundland servicewives in the Second World War /Ling, Katherine Anne, January 1900 (has links) (PDF)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references.
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The greatest opportunity : American artists and the great war, 1917-1920 /Nibbe, Kevin Louis, January 2000 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 543-571). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.
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Military defence in Hong Kong in the late 1930s and early1940sChow, Yuk-ming, Ricky., 周育銘. January 2001 (has links)
published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Arts
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A study of China's participation in the First World War, 1914-1917 = Beijing zheng fu can jia Ou zhan wen ti zhi tan tao (1914-1917) / A study of China's participation in the First World War, 1914-1917 = 北京政府參加歐戰問題之探討 (1914-1917)Chow, Kin-moh, 周建武 January 2013 (has links)
The republican government in China joined the Allies and declared war on Germany on 14 August1917. Many previous researches have focused mainly on what sort of assistance the Chinese government provided during the Great War, but few involved the process of how the leadership in China reached to the decision of joining the Allies. The purpose of this thesis, therefore, is to investigate the reasons why the Chinese republican government would be willing to engage in a war involving various great powers in the world. In order to analyze the issue from both the perspectives of the republican government and the Allies, this research paper relies not only on Chinese official documents, but also on diplomatic correspondence from British and the U.S government. In addition, Chinese local newspapers, personal letters and memoirs of Chinese politicians and intellectuals are also examined so that local opinions in China would also be mentioned. In general, this research finds national interest of the republican government may not be the only explanation to China’s participation in the war, other factors such as the urgent need for China to expel German interest, invitation from the U.S government and Japan’s consent also played a vital role. The decision to declare war on Germany was not a move the Chinese republican government could make without consulting the western powers since the issue was highly sensitive and might easily inflict damage on the interest of both sides. The key to China’s participation in the war thus lies in the diplomatic negotiation and compromise between China and the Allied powers. / published_or_final_version / Chinese Historical Studies / Master / Master of Arts
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The patriotic consensus: Winnipeg, 1939-1945Perrun, Jody C. 08 October 2008 (has links)
Historians have established the framework of Canada’s general political, economic, and military participation in the Second World War, but there has been little research into the ways that the national war effort affected individuals or local communities. This dissertation explores the wartime experience of ordinary Winnipeggers through their responses to recruiting, the treatment of minorities, war finance publicity, participation in voluntary community service, and the adjustments made necessary by family separation. It questions the prevailing narrative of the war as a unifying national experience, focusing on issues like civilian morale and the relationship between citizens and the state.
In some ways, the depth of the patriotic consensus was remarkable in a city that was far removed from any real enemy threat. The population was highly polyethnic, with strong class divisions and a vibrant tradition of political protest. Both factors meant a greater number of potential fault lines. But the large number of ethnic groups in Winnipeg and the Left’s relative lack of political power also meant that there was no dominant minority to seriously challenge the interpretation of the war expressed by the city’s charter group.
Social cohesion was enhanced in Winnipeg despite the absence of real danger for a number of reasons: the connection of ethnic communities to occupied or threatened homelands, like Poland or the United Kingdom; the effectiveness of both official and unofficial information management, such as Victory Loan publicity; and the strong identification people maintained with family and friends in the armed forces, war industries, or state institutions. The war effort affected people as individuals and as members of families and the wider community. Its impact was at times unjust and destructive yet most hardships were ultimately accepted as necessary for the war’s successful prosecution.
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The patriotic consensus: Winnipeg, 1939-1945Perrun, Jody C. 08 October 2008 (has links)
Historians have established the framework of Canada’s general political, economic, and military participation in the Second World War, but there has been little research into the ways that the national war effort affected individuals or local communities. This dissertation explores the wartime experience of ordinary Winnipeggers through their responses to recruiting, the treatment of minorities, war finance publicity, participation in voluntary community service, and the adjustments made necessary by family separation. It questions the prevailing narrative of the war as a unifying national experience, focusing on issues like civilian morale and the relationship between citizens and the state.
In some ways, the depth of the patriotic consensus was remarkable in a city that was far removed from any real enemy threat. The population was highly polyethnic, with strong class divisions and a vibrant tradition of political protest. Both factors meant a greater number of potential fault lines. But the large number of ethnic groups in Winnipeg and the Left’s relative lack of political power also meant that there was no dominant minority to seriously challenge the interpretation of the war expressed by the city’s charter group.
Social cohesion was enhanced in Winnipeg despite the absence of real danger for a number of reasons: the connection of ethnic communities to occupied or threatened homelands, like Poland or the United Kingdom; the effectiveness of both official and unofficial information management, such as Victory Loan publicity; and the strong identification people maintained with family and friends in the armed forces, war industries, or state institutions. The war effort affected people as individuals and as members of families and the wider community. Its impact was at times unjust and destructive yet most hardships were ultimately accepted as necessary for the war’s successful prosecution.
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A policy of neglect : British diplomacy towards French Indo-China, 1943-1945Hutton, Claude January 1995 (has links)
No description available.
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