2 v.: $c30 cm. +e2 cassettes (monophonic).

Part 1.Thesis: Chapter 1: The people of the Lumko district (the villages of Ngqoko and Sikhwankqeni) are AbaThembu, mostly of the Gcina clan cluster. Their history has caused them to be linked with (now vanished) San peoples in special ways, which have undoubtedly influenced their music. Chapter 2: The music of these people is centred around their religious and social life. This affects the way they classify their songs; and song classifications (and the way songs are used) affect their performance, in particular, the dance styles associated with the song classes. Chapter 3: A variety of musical instruments is used in the Lumko district, the most important being the musical bows. Once again, the use of these bows gives an insight into the musical influences that have affected the people historically. The ways the bows work are described, as well as ways to play them. Chapter 4: Overtone singing, not previously documented anywhere in traditional African music, is practised in certain ways by these AmaGcina. These, and other vocal techniques, are described. Chapter 5: From the terminology and the methods of conceptualisation about music in the Lumko district, it is possible to gain an insight into a truly Xhosa technical understanding of Xhosa music. Once again a historical insight is gained, because so many of the important terms are KhoiSan words. Chapter 6: A Western technological (i. e. musicological) understanding of the music is also necessary in a study of this nature. This chapter applies musicological concepts to an examination of the relationship between speech and song, of the usages in melody and scale, harmony theory, rhythm, polyphony, song form, instrumental roles and methods of performance. Chapter 7: This is the conclusion of the thesis. It sums up what has been studied: musical techniques, principles, the importance of Ntsikana 's song as a basis for musical comparisons, and the import of the historical aspects of the study - a possible glimpse of the music of the San. PART 2. MUSIC TRANSCRIPTIONS AND DESCRIPTIONS. The transcriptions of 62 songs provide the material for this study. The songs were chosen to represent all the major song classes used in the Lumko district, and to represent all the important music techniques as well. The songs are in fifteen categories. Each song is accompanied by its technical details, and sufficient commentary to make the song transcription intelligible and meaningful. Certain key songs are chosen as type-songs or other special examples, and are used as the bases for discussion on song style characteristics, principles of performance, bow adaptation, and so on. A general Introduction to Part 2 describes and accounts for the method of transcription, and also attempts to make it possible for the score reader not only to analyse, but also to perform the songs. In a further attempt to bring the transcriptions to life, a video recording of certain key songs and techniques, and audio tapes with examples taken from all the songs, accompany this study

Songs play a vital role in the everyday life of the AmaXhosa. Each and every occasion or gathering is accompanied by singing. Their anger or pain, sorrow or joy is reflected in their singing. Although these songs are composed for social purposes and entertainment, they are also educational. Songs may be composed and sung to comment on political affairs, complain against the abuse of power by the authorities, declare war, protest, praise a hero, encourage working together and ridicule the foolishness of someone. Vocabulary and diction used in the composition of these songs, relays the message in a clever and witty style. Since the AmaXhosa are intellectuals, irony and satire are used. The satirical or ironical songs hide the meaning and the listener must unravel the real meaning. AmaXhosa singing, chanting and dancing is accompanied by instruments. These instruments add more rhythm to the dance.The AmaXhosa use anything at their disposal when carving their instruments. Their songs may be accompanied by the beating of cow-hide drums, blowing of reed-pipe whistles, animal horns, beating of sticks and hand-clapping. The most important instrument the AmaXhosa use is the human voice. They are experts in humming, gruff singing and whistling. The songs of the AmaXhosa encourage togetherness. When one composes a song, one does not express one’s own feelings, but also the feelings of the community. The AmaXhosa songs are about participation so group singing and dancing is encouraged. Everyone participates either by singing, dancing or clapping. x Respect is the central core of the AmaXhosa songs. That is why the songs are composed according to age groups and sex. Instruments are also used according to ages and sex. Written texts are also a tool to educate the reader. The writers have decided to include songs in their writings to act as a form of entertainment and education. Although some songs lack the hallmarks of a traditional song, they communicate the idea or relay the message the writer wants to convey to the reader. Terms: Mock enconuim, the grotesque and the principle of beautiful deformity, anaphoric construction, diction and connotation, authorial comments, the mask-persona form, usurping of authority and reduction of traditional status.

This thesis is an ethnographic analysis of a collection of field recordings of music from sub-Saharan Africa: The Sound of Africa series made and published by Hugh Tracey between 1933 and 1973. I analyse the aims, methods, value and potential use of this collection, now held at the International Library of African Music (ILAM), in order to address a gap in the ethnomusicological literature and to begin to develop a critical framework for an evaluation of field recording and aural ethnography. An archival analysis of the collection enables me to trace the scope and intended uses of Tracey’s recordings. Identifying a primary intended audience that has not to date been engaged, I argue for the need to develop a new way to circulate recordings among a source community that has never before been reached through institutional archival practice. I use a small sample of Tracey’s archival Xhosa recordings and develop a method of sound elicitation designed to take the recordings back to urban Xhosa communities in the townships located near ILAM. By circulating archival recordings using local mechanisms in township communities, rather than institutional archival methods, I assess the potential relevance of historical recordings to an urban source community more than fifty years after the recordings were made. Having collected and analysed contemporary Xhosa responses, I consider the limitations and the potential for the recordings to connect with indigenous audiences and generate value. I argue that non-analytical responses to historical recordings may contribute to ethnographic understanding, to people’s own sense of Xhosa identity, and to archiving practice in future. Such responses may help increase our understanding of the relationships between music collectors in the field and the people recorded, whether fifty years ago, today or in future.

MA, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2012 / This research-report presents a theoretical exploration of musical encoding which has its basis in general semiotic theory. By examining what this reveals about the problematic and mysterious issue of music’s meaning, I argue that the most visceral and direct form of it is found in the manner in which the composer shapes a certain kind of temporal experience (erlebnis) which is engendered by the music itself. This reveals that sensations of goal-directed movement, closure, tension and release are shaped in a phenomenological way against a background of continuity that is established by metrical cyclicity and phrasal periodisation. As a result, the interpretation of certain kinds of accumulative structural effects generated by the gestural (rhythmic and melodic/harmonic) inflections of the temporal and intonational planes become meaningful in a rhetorical, affective (affekten) and topical sense. A study of Ngqoko (Xhosa) overtone-music, as a case study into African indigenous music (as opposed to the examples cited of Western art music), shows that an intensification of the relationships between pitch and rhythm that exist in speech-tone results in the formation of melody and a culturally embedded vocabulary of intonations. I argue that this resultant edifice exists in the music of most cultures and that this ultimately serves as the basis of musical encoding. Therefore musical meaning develops in ways that are completely intrinsic to music.