This work argues that youth and student organizations in Senegal and Congo became the primary catalysts for mass social struggles that challenged new national governments between 1958 and 1974. From the mid-1950s, young activists in both countries (along with many trade union leaders) debated emerging African political leaders over what constituted “independence.” These debates sharpened after the control of political institutions was devolved from French to African authorities between 1958 and 1960. As I show, rather than celebrating formal independence, many youth, student, and trade union organizations claimed that new African state leaders were complicit in the ongoing foreign domination of politics, education, and their national economies. Young activists contrasted formal independence with their demands for “real independence,” which included criteria such as the expulsion of French troops, an end to French and missionary influence over the education system, and the nationalization of foreign-owned businesses. In the context of this conflict, a subset of activists in each country became known as “radicals” due to their demands for “real independence” and their call to reorganize the state along Marxist principles. This work is based on archival research in Senegal, Congo, and France, as well as fifty-six interviews with Senegalese and Congolese militants of the period. The new presidents of Senegal and Congo, Léopold Senghor and Fulbert Youlou, both moved to consolidate control of their respective states after 1958. They attempted to isolate rival political organizations and young critics through a combination of repression and cooptation. “Youth Radicalism” explores how student, youth, and trade union organizations defended their autonomy from the new regimes and became centers of political opposition. I show that these organizations sparked urban rebellions in the capital cities of Brazzaville and Dakar, most notably in 1963 and 1968, respectively. In Congo, the protests in 1963 overthrew the government of Fulbert Youlou and allowed radical youth and student activists to declare themselves the leaders of a “revolution.” By building mass youth organizations, they were able to assume positions of authority and to successfully push for elements of “real independence” and “scientific socialism.” In Senegal, the strike in 1968 did not overturn Senghor’s government, but prompted a myriad of labor, educational, and democratic reforms in the years that followed. This work ends by looking at how the independent youth and student organizations of the 1960s were eliminated in both countries in the early 1970s due to internal divisions and state repression. Considering Congo and Senegal in the same study illustrates that youth and student leaders’ political strategies intersected through shared connections within the Francophone world, as well as Third World and Communist networks. The demands raised by young radicals emerged in response to specific local and national political conflicts, but this work argues that they were also fundamentally shaped by their links abroad. Finally, “Youth Radicalism” assesses how young radicals’ ability to create lasting structural change in Senegal and Congo was affected by the common political frameworks that guided their actions.

National identity in South Africa is, and has been, a complex concept, with diverse and contested attempts at its embodiment. This research extends the discourse of identity politics in the post 1994 democratic South Africa to beyond the discourse of racial politics, and notions of oppressor and oppressed to the complexities of resistance and the eventual establishment of a democratic South Africa. The research draws on the views and experiences of young South Africans, born after 1990, regarding what constitutes a South African identity. The research participants represent the socio-cultural and economic spectrum of the city of Cape Town, in the Western Province of South Africa. Schools were chosen across this spectrum to allow for heterogeneity of research sample to reflect the different population groups that comprise the South African population. The areas the schools were chosen from included those that existed during the apartheid era and those that have since been developed. Schools included were those historically delineated according to apartheid-constructed racial groups, and one that was established after 1994 as a non-state school. The exploration of the data reveals a population of young people who have moved beyond the imposed identities created by the apartheid system to an actively inclusive conception of what it means to be a South African in a post-apartheid context. Additionally, the research shows that this inclusive national identity also allows for the acknowledgement and expression of the diversity of cultures and languages existent in South African society. There is also an understanding that socio-economic issues such as poverty, poor education and continued imbalances from the Apartheid era need to be addressed to ensure a stable and unified South Africa. Therefore, the research found that this research contends that young people born after 1990 are committed to a respectful and representative national identity that affords all South Africans an equal place in society.

Xia, Ying. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-164). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese.

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Sciences

published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

There are numerous studies in the past that examine factors, such as demographic, socio-economic, personal and attitudinal, that increase the likelihood of volunteering, among people of all ages. Who volunteers, and why? Among these are factors that are also thought to be important in fostering political participation. Early in the 1970’s, studies have concluded that involvement in voluntary associations provides opportunities for equipping with the necessary skills, strengthening of social networks and enhancing one’s awareness and interests in public issues. These in turn facilitate volunteers’ subsequent political participation as they become more activated politically. This is further explained and exemplified in a more theoretical framework of social capital since its emergence, and attracting widespread discussion. Sociological and educational studies among youths, mostly aged 15 to 25 years, found that they tend to be apathetic and inert towards political participation, making the political outcomes of volunteering appeared highly variable. Meanwhile, literature from many Western countries show conflicting results on the relationship between volunteering and political participation, both being essential elements of active citizenship in civil societies. Social capital scholars focus on shared values and norms, trust and reciprocity that generate and accrue as individuals interact with each other. Therefore it can be hypothesised volunteering should build social capital that contribute to both voting and non-voting political activities. On the contrary, observational studies, especially in the field of education, showed that many youths think their volunteer work is simply a form of helping others in need, or even a stipulated requirement in their high school curriculum, without considering its impact upon their positions in the broader civil sphere or community. As a consequence of the increasing prevalence of volunteerism parallel to government policies in many places worldwide, especially with respect to young people, who are at an age when significant civic and political identities are being developed and shaped, this apparent paradox between youth volunteering and their political participation is increasingly being studied. There is little study on the relationship of youth volunteering and their political participation in Hong Kong. My study is to assess the relationship between youth volunteering and their political participation using a multi-dimensional theoretical framework, taking into consideration of social capital and non-social capital factors, and methodologically adopt a quantitative analysis of findings from a self-administered questionnaire to volunteers of a youth organisation in Hong Kong. Empirically, this study also serves to describe the present profiles of youth volunteers in Hong Kong, together with their volunteering and political experiences. The results from this questionnaire survey show that youth volunteering is associated with political participation in Hong Kong, and factors that may enhance political participation among these volunteers are also identified. / published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Philosophy

There can be no doubt: human activities are the unequivocal cause of contemporary global warming (IPCC, 2023). The effects of anthropogenic climate change are already being felt worldwide, including loss and damage to both human and natural systems, with vulnerable populations bearing a disproportionate burden (IPCC, 2023). As younger generations will experience the impacts of climate change more severely in scope, severity, and duration, urgent action is necessary to mitigate and adapt to its effects. The fact that so many young people are actively advocating for climate action clearly indicates the urgency of the matter. The time for action is now, and urgent steps must be taken to mitigate and adapt to the effects of climate change before it is too late. Consequently, youth voices on climate change have never been more critical or widely publicized. The study of youth climate activists has grown significantly in recent years, but there is still a debate regarding their role in addressing climate change through political participation. Studying youth climate activism is essential to understanding how and why they have become such an influential force in the movement. In this dissertation, I investigate what drives young people to lead in the climate movement, examining what elevates youth concern about climate change, the role of family, friends, and schools in shaping youth climate activism, and how youth activists construct their climate action networks. Through two qualitative and one quantitative analysis, this research contributes to the ongoing debate surrounding youth participation in political action on climate change. The findings emphasize the need to address structural inequalities and promote youth agency in climate education and activism, highlighting the challenges of intergenerational organizing. We must embrace the involvement of young people in the political process and provide them with the necessary platforms to express their views and contribute to climate policy development. Only by doing so can we hope to create a sustainable future for ourselves and future generations. Climate Change Concern Among Youth: Examining the role of civics and institutional trust across 22 countries Although scholars have long documented perceptions of climate change and the public’s evolving response to the perceived risk it poses, these analyses have only recently begun examining youth and their views of the issue. Given that education has traditionally been considered a long-term strategy to promote sustainability among youth, this article conducts a cross-national and comparative study of students from 22 countries to evaluate factors commonly associated with youth perceptions of climate change as a threat to the world’s future. In doing so, this study finds that promoting institutional trust and civic knowledge may increase student climate change concern to a greater degree than other, more emphasized, curricular, and co-curricular environmental school opportunities. These new findings reveal potential pathways for future climate change education research, policy, and practice to help promote greater climate awareness and action among youth. Beyond Traditional Pathways: Understanding Youth Mobilization and Climate Activism in the Face of Inequality Scholars agree that family, friends, and schools play an essential role in the political socialization and mobilization of youth into activism. Research on these sites, however, overlooked two critical issues. First, family, friends, and schools vary in capacity and provide different resources and support. Second, this inequality means that youth agency is necessary to navigate their way into activism. In this study, I explore the processes of youth becoming climate activists. Drawing on 40 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with young climate activists in New York City, I argue there are multiple pathways to climate activism, which are shaped simultaneously by broader inequality and youth agency. Inequalities embedded within social structures – e.g., family, friends, and schools – spur youth to seek alternative pathways toward climate activism, including peer-to-peer organizing. These pathways have significant implications for how educators and social movements engage young people in learning and addressing climate change issues. Networks of Change in the In-Between: Bridging and Brokering within the Youth Climate Movement Scholars emphasize that overlapping networks and affiliations are important predictors of individual and collective participation in social movements. However, we know very little about networks that emerge through activism. The youth climate movement is witnessing diverse forms of youth participation and intergenerational coalitions. Little is known about how youth activists construct their climate action networks and what it means to be part of such networks, especially given the potential for intergenerational activist networks. To address this gap, this study uses in-depth interviews with 40 New York youth climate activists to explore how youth navigate organizing climate action between schools and movement organizations. The study employs a qualitative, mixed analysis design that includes thematic analysis and social network analysis to reveal the cross-organizational interactions of youth and the issue of adultism in the climate movement. The findings indicate that youth activists bridge schools and social movement organizations to form coalitions by leveraging their personal and collective youth power as 'in-between' activists. As a result, they can broker movement goals and coordinate actions by synthesizing information across the network. However, youth activists also face conflicting experiences with adult actors that diminish their potential for equitable organizing.

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A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of the Witwatersrand Department of Political Studies February 2015 / The question of gender inequality in South Africa has still not received the platform that it deserves. This reality may be attributed to numerous factors including the masculine attitudes that continue to prevail in South African politics. This dissertation therefore analyses the construction of gender roles in youth political organisations in South Africa, and investigates how hegemonic gender formations challenge and shape the activism of women within these organisations. It focuses on the largest and oldest youth political formation in the country, the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It draws from the rich history of the ANC and the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) to understand better the framework of current gender politics. Feminist theory is used as the underpinning theoretical framework throughout this research, thus providing a new perspective of women’s activism that goes beyond the traditional practices employed in research about political organisations. This dissertation is informed by a qualitative research approach with a focus on interviews with individuals who are members of the ANCYL in the Seshego township in South Africa’s Limpopo Province. The main argument made in this dissertation is that women in mainstream political organisations like the ANCYL continue to experience difficulties in the assertion of their activism because of the historically dominating masculine characteristics of such organisations. A nuanced analysis of young women’s activism in South Africa is the major contribution that this research offers. By bringing forth the narrative of ordinary female activists, this dissertation deliberately confronts the celebration of the supposedly already realised gender equality, arguing that this is a premature celebration that is not cognisant of the daily experiences of female activists of the ANCYL.

The aim of this Code of Conduct for activists is to provide a set of basic guidelines as to how activists and members of our organization should conduct themselves; both inside and outside the organization. We feel that it is important in 2 respects: (i) It highlights the dangers of negative tendencies and the desirability of good qualities. In this way we hope to improve the quality of activists involvement in our organization by providing them with a set of rules and methods that will allow them to achieve their political goals easily and effectively. (ii) Activists represent not only their own organization but the cause of the national democratic struggle in general. As such, the way we behave and conduct ourselves reflects on this cause. Activists must therefore be seen to act in a comradely, disciplined and democratic fashion. It must be pointed out that although this code of conduct applies to all members of our organization it is obviously more relevant to those activists who play an active role in the decision making process, regularly come to meetings and volunteer for the different tasks at hand.