Thesis (M.Com.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, School of Business and Economic Sciences, 2017 / With an increase in competition in the political sector, there is a paradigm shift as parties revert to branding to influence voters’ political party brand preference. Political marketing is one of the most important aspects of developing industry which affects institutions, people and the involvement of successful candidates in the modern generation of politics. Therefore, it is of interest to examine how political party branding can enhance brand preference of the voters. Although several studies have explored political marketing and factors influencing university students’ intention to vote using various mediums, few studies have explored distinctive cues as a holistic concept in investigating the effect on youth of brand image and brand preference. More precisely, few studies have explored this topic in a political context among the youth in South Africa. This research purpose is to determine whether political party branding influences voting brand preference among the youth in South Africa, through the means of the proposed conceptual model, brand identity, positive word of mouth and brand authenticity as the predictors, brand image as the mediating variable, and brand preference as the outcome variable. The current study undertakes a quantitative approach, where 379 questionnaires were received from the respondents, (University of the Witwatersrand students), to explore the influence of political party branding on voting brand preference among the youth in South Africa. The data was analysed using structural equation modelling and Amos 23.0. Findings support all five proposed hypotheses. Hence indicating that brand identity, positive word of mouth and brand authenticity, influences brand image and brand preference. The contribution of this study is to provide general information to guide political parties or politics in South Africa in developing marketing / branding strategies based on the concept of brand preference. These contributions will help different types of political parties in having the knowledge of the critical role of brand preference and its implementation in the political marketing context. Theoretically, it is positioned in political marketing and adds to empirical literature that focuses on political branding, branding and voters’ preference in political parties. Lastly, by examining the predictors’ variables and their influence on brand image and brand preference, the findings provide political parties with a better understanding of branding strategies that can be implemented to influence voters’ preference before, during and after a campaign through comprehensive political branding. / XL2018

Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Limpopo, 2008. / The Black youth struggled against the apartheid regime as the title indicates because as Blacks the policy made them to suffer. They were oppressed in the country of their birth. Before the militant youth involvement in the liberation struggle in the 1970s there were a few Black youths who tried to force the government to relinquish its policy. They were unsuccessful. This was because they were opposed to the government as members of the various Black organisations. They were not united. SASO with its Black Consciousness philosophy brought unity amongst all the Black youth and put them on the vanguard of the struggle. These youth did not just mobilize and unite Blacks (organisation and non organisation members) through public criticism of the apartheid system. They also mounted physical attacks on enemy targets such as police stations etc. South Africa became ungovernable. This resistance compelled the government to release political prisoners and to relinquish power in 1994.

This thesis asks how voice enables youth to claim agency within divided societies, and what are the implications of this in terms of conflict and peacebuilding? It is an analysis of the significance of young people's voices to international relations. The research is framed in terms of human rights and human security, children's rights, and recognition theories. Its aim is to draw conclusions both about the nature of voice and agency, or power, and about how the framing of the present research in this area impacts the ability of the discourse to take into account the significance of listening to those who are marginalized. From these starting points the thesis will explore questions such as the following: In what ways do children have a voice? If young people had more of a voice, would it make a difference? Does having a voice lead to power? If so, does this create a culture of respect for this voice, and in turn an increase in the speaker's ability to claim agency? Does increasing participation have an impact upon people's likeliness to resort to violence? These aspects are important because they contribute to knowledge and frameworks for peacebuilding in post-conflict areas and the link between voice and violence may provide a key to reducing youth violence in post-conflict areas, but most significantly, hearing young voice could contribute to a sustainable peace, envisioned by and cultivated by the very generation that must own that peace if it is to become lasting.

The relationship between parenting style and political socialization was examined in 258 college students with an average age of 19.6. Political socialization approaches along with Erik Erikson’s Eight Stages of Man comprised the theoretical framework in this study. Regression analysis was used to determine the relationships between maternal and paternal parenting style, political party affiliation, attitude to authority, political conservatism (racial/social conservatism, religious fundamentalism, and punitiveness), and political identity. Results indicated that high levels of maternal acceptance were related to a conservative political party affiliation, high scoring on overall political conservatism, and high levels of religious fundamentalism. High levels of maternal psychological control were linked to a conservative political party affiliation, pro-attitudes to authority, high levels of overall political conservatism, and higher punitiveness. High levels of paternal firm control were related to political identity achievement. / Master of Science

by Wan Wai Kwan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinesse University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Bibliography: leaves 192-196. / Acknowledgments / Chapter Chapter One --- Objective and Literature Review --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter Two --- Methodology and Hypotheses --- p.19 / Chapter A. --- Sampling --- p.19 / Chapter B. --- Hypotheses --- p.25 / Chapter C. --- Analysis --- p.30 / Tables for Chapter Two --- p.33 / Chapter Chapter Three --- A Profile of Two Generations --- p.34 / Chapter A. --- Political attitudes of the adolescents --- p.34 / Chapter B. --- Contrast between parents and adolescents --- p.40 / Chapter C. --- Sex difference and sex-lineage similarity --- p.53 / Tables for Chapter Three --- p.53 / Chapter Chapter Four --- Socialisation in the Family --- p.76 / Tables for Chapter Four --- p.95 / Chapter Chapter Five --- Socialisation in the School --- p.104 / Tables for Chapter Five --- p.120 / Chapter Chapter Six --- Interaction among Agents --- p.126 / Political Knowledge and Political Interest --- p.131 / Tables for Chapter Six --- p.132 / Chapter Chapter Seven --- Conclusion --- p.137 / Notes --- p.153 / Appendixes --- p.152 / Chapter A. --- Tables for demographic data --- p.162 / Chapter B. --- Tables for profile of two generations --- p.164 / Chapter C. --- Tables for socialisation agent - family --- p.166 / Chapter D. --- Tables for socialisation agent - school --- p.169 / Chapter E. --- Tables for conclusion --- p.171 / Chapter F. --- Abbreviation of attitude items --- p.173 / Chapter G. --- Frequency table for the overall sample --- p.174 / Bibliography --- p.192 / Chapter A. --- Books --- p.192 / Chapter B. --- Journals --- p.194 / Questionnaire

Chan Chun Kit. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-255). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Acknowledgements --- p.v / Content --- p.vi / List of Charts and Tables --- p.xii / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: The Change of Attitude --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background and Research Question --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Theoretical Framework --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significance --- p.4 / Chapter 1.4 --- Plan of the Thesis --- p.7 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: Concerning Political Participation and Emigration --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.9 / Chapter 2.2 --- Emigration --- p.10 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Literature of Emigration --- p.10 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Emigration in Hong Kong --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Lesson from the Emigration Literature --- p.15 / Chapter 2.3 --- Political Participation --- p.16 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Meaning of Political Participation --- p.16 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Culturalist Theory --- p.19 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Political Participation in Hong Kong --- p.22 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- Limitations of Culturalist Theory --- p.25 / Chapter 2.4 --- An Alternative Approach: Hirschman's theory --- p.27 / Chapter 2.4.1 --- Introduction to Hirschman's Theory --- p.28 / Chapter 2.4.2 --- Relationship between Exit and Voice --- p.29 / Chapter 2.4.3 --- The Idea of Loyalty --- p.30 / Chapter 2.4.4 --- Amendment and Critiques of Hirschman's Original Theory --- p.32 / Chapter 2.4.5 --- Other Literatures of Loyalty and Loyalty in Hong Kong --- p.39 / Chapter 2.4.6 --- The Different Role of Loyalty between Hirschman´ةs Literature and Cultualist Theory --- p.41 / Chapter 2.5 --- Conclusion --- p.42 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Historical Review: Acting between Exit and Voice --- p.44 / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.44 / Chapter 3.2 --- Push Factors --- p.45 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Political Situation before 1997 --- p.45 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Economic Situation before 1997 --- p.47 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Political Situation after 1997 --- p.49 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- Economic Situation after 1997 --- p.52 / Chapter 3.2.5 --- The Overall Perception of Hong Kong Future --- p.57 / Chapter 3.3 --- Pull Factors --- p.59 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- The Difficulty for Applying a Foreign Residency --- p.60 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Economic Situation before 1997 --- p.63 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- Economic Situation after 1997 --- p.65 / Chapter 3.4 --- Pattern of Political Participation and Emigration --- p.73 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- Pattern of Political Participation and Emigration before 1997 --- p.73 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- Pattern of Political Participation and Emigration after 1997 --- p.75 / Chapter 3.5 --- The Puzzle --- p.79 / Chapter 3.6 --- Conclusion --- p.81 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Theory and Method: Accessing Loyalty --- p.83 / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.83 / Chapter 4.2 --- Research Aim --- p.83 / Chapter 4.3 --- Putting Emigration into the Spectrum of Political Participation --- p.84 / Chapter 4.4 --- Subject of Study --- p.86 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Middle Class Individuals as Quality Conscious Consumer --- p.86 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- The Definition of Middle Class --- p.88 / Chapter 4.5 --- Conceptualizing and Operationalizing Loyalty --- p.90 / Chapter 4.6 --- The Effects of Loyalty --- p.92 / Chapter 4.7 --- Research Approach --- p.95 / Chapter 4.7.1 --- Research Method - Qualitative Data Analysis --- p.95 / Chapter 4.7.2 --- Scope of Sample - Deviant Critical Case --- p.96 / Chapter 4.7.3 --- Sampling Method - Theoretical Sampling --- p.97 / Chapter 4.8 --- Conducting Interviews --- p.99 / Chapter 4.9 --- Data Analysis --- p.100 / Chapter 4.10 --- Conclusion --- p.101 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Findings and Analysis I: Foundation of the Research: Perception after 97 --- p.103 / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.103 / Chapter 5.2 --- Perception about the 1997-2003 Period --- p.103 / Chapter 5.3 --- Deteriorated Areas --- p.105 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- Government Performance --- p.105 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Political Atmosphere --- p.107 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- Economic Atmosphere --- p.108 / Chapter 5.4 --- The Most Concerned Areas in Past Decades --- p.109 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- Liberty --- p.109 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- Rule of Law --- p.110 / Chapter 5.4.3 --- "The Implementation of ""One Country, Two System" --- p.113 / Chapter 5.5 --- The Perception of Democracy --- p.117 / Chapter 5.6 --- Most Recognized Issues --- p.120 / Chapter 5.6 --- Accessing the Research Question --- p.122 / Chapter 5.7 --- Conclusion --- p.122 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Findings and Analysis II: Foundation of the Research: Loyalty: Emergence and level of Loyalty --- p.124 / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.124 / Chapter 6.2 --- Loyalty to Hong Kong --- p.124 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- Hong Kong Loyalist --- p.125 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- Loyal Complainer of Hong Kong --- p.127 / Chapter 6.2.3 --- The Share Characteristic of “Hong Kong Loyalist´ح and “Loyal Complainer of Hong Kong´ح --- p.130 / Chapter 6.2.4 --- Hong Kong Disloyalist --- p.132 / Chapter 6.3 --- Common Belief ´ؤ The Idea of Liberty --- p.132 / Chapter 6.4 --- Loyalty to China --- p.133 / Chapter 6.4.1 --- China Loyalist --- p.134 / Chapter 6.4.2 --- Separated China Loyalist --- p.136 / Chapter 6.4.3 --- Loyal Complainer of China --- p.139 / Chapter 6.4.4 --- China Disloyalist --- p.141 / Chapter 6.5 --- Common Belief- Psychological Distance --- p.142 / Chapter 6.6 --- Sense of Influent Ability --- p.143 / Chapter 6.6.1 --- Contribution to Hong Kong --- p.144 / Chapter 6.6.2 --- Contribution to China --- p.146 / Chapter 6.6.3 --- Affecting Government's policy --- p.149 / Chapter 6.7 --- Expectation about Future --- p.151 / Chapter 6.8 --- Accessing the Research Question --- p.153 / Chapter 6.9 --- Conclusion --- p.154 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Findings and Analysis III: Relationship between Loyalty and the July-First Demonstration --- p.157 / Chapter 7.1 --- Introduction --- p.157 / Chapter 7.2 --- Reasons for Joining The Demonstration --- p.157 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- The Dominating Reason --- p.158 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- The Sense of Hongkongese --- p.161 / Chapter 7.2.3 --- Loyalty of Other Organization --- p.163 / Chapter 7.2.3 --- Misunderstanding --- p.164 / Chapter 7.3 --- The Effect of Loyalty in the July-first Demonstration --- p.165 / Chapter 7.4 --- Other Effects of the Demonstration --- p.170 / Chapter 7.5 --- The Post July-first Era and Further Political Participations --- p.172 / Chapter 7.5.1 --- Political Situation --- p.172 / Chapter 7.5.2 --- Economic and Social Situations --- p.175 / Chapter 7.5.3 --- Satisfaction --- p.175 / Chapter 7.5.4 --- Further Political Actions --- p.177 / Chapter 7.6 --- Factor(s) for Simulating Further Demonstrations --- p.179 / Chapter 7.7 --- Discussion --- p.180 / Chapter 7.7.1 --- Loyalty and Demonstration in Hong Kong --- p.180 / Chapter 8.7.2 --- Liberty and Demonstration in Hong Kong --- p.182 / Chapter 8.7.3 --- The level of Satisfaction and the Effectiveness of Demonstration in Hong Kong --- p.184 / Chapter 7.8 --- Conclusion --- p.185 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Findings and Analysis IV: Relationship between Loyalty and Emigration --- p.187 / Chapter 8.1 --- Introduction --- p.187 / Chapter 8.2 --- Emigration --- p.187 / Chapter 8.2.1 --- Intention of Leaving Hong Kong --- p.188 / Chapter 8.2.2 --- Reasons for Staying --- p.189 / Chapter 8.3 --- Intention of Settlement in China --- p.192 / Chapter 8.3.1 --- Reason of Having the Intention --- p.193 / Chapter 8.3.2 --- Reasons for Staying --- p.193 / Chapter 8.4 --- Cause of Reluctant Emigration --- p.196 / Chapter 8.5 --- The Effect of Loyalty in Emigration --- p.197 / Chapter 8.6 --- Discussion --- p.201 / Chapter 8.6.1 --- Loyalty and Emigration in Hong Kong --- p.201 / Chapter 8.6.2 --- The Effect of the Loyalty of China --- p.203 / Chapter 8.6.3 --- The Credibility of the Threat of Exit --- p.204 / Chapter 8.7 --- Conclusion --- p.205 / Chapter Chapter 9 --- "Conclusion: Re-visiting Exit, Voice and Loyalty" --- p.207 / Chapter 9.1 --- Introduction --- p.207 / Chapter 9.2 --- Summary of the Findings from the Study --- p.208 / Chapter 9.2.1 --- Perception about the Post-97 Situation of Hong Kong --- p.208 / Chapter 9.2.2 --- The Sense of Loyalty --- p.208 / Chapter 9.2.3 --- Relationship between Loyalty and Demonstration --- p.209 / Chapter 9.2.4 --- Relationship between Loyalty and Emigration --- p.210 / Chapter 9.3 --- Discussion of Hirschman's Theory --- p.211 / Chapter 9.3.1 --- Signal Product V.S. Multi-products --- p.211 / Chapter 9.3.2 --- Effects of Loyalty --- p.213 / Chapter 9.3.3 --- Single Loyalty V.S. Multi-loyalties --- p.214 / Chapter 9.3.4 --- "The Tension between Loyalty, Exit and Voice" --- p.216 / Chapter 9.4 --- The Trend of Future --- p.217 / Chapter 9.5 --- Political Implications --- p.219 / Chapter 9.5.1 --- Soft Authoritarianism and Administrative Absorption of Politics --- p.219 / Chapter 9.5.2 --- Liberty cannot be Infringed --- p.221 / Chapter 9.5.3 --- Lack of Strong Demand for Immediate Democratization --- p.221 / Chapter 9.5.4 --- Articulation of Public Opinion --- p.223 / Chapter 9.6 --- Research Limitations --- p.223 / Chapter 9.7 --- Suggestions for Further Researches --- p.225 / Chapter 9.8 --- Conclusion --- p.227 / Appendix --- p.229 / Appendix I Immigrate to Canada: Immigrating to Canada as a Skilled Worker --- p.229 / Appendix II Immigrate to Australia: General skilled migration program --- p.235 / Appendix III Immigrate to United States of America: Apply for Immigrant Status Based on Employment --- p.239 / Appendix IV Interview Schedule (Abridged) --- p.244 / Appendix V Demographic Information of Interviewees --- p.247 / Bibliography --- p.248

The past few months have seen our courageous youth take to the streets to demonstrate their disgust against this system of exploitation and oppression. This militant fervour has touched many young hearts and minds. However, there is always the danger that these energies will burn out and dissipate. Demoralisation can so easily set in if these energies are not constructively channeled. "Channeled into what?” you may ask. ORGANISATIONS. It is only through strong organisations which attempt to give guidance and direction that meaningful action can be undertaken. The WCYL recognises the important need for students to begin to discuss broader issues such as The History of Struggle in S.A. or The Nature of S.A. Society. It is only when students begin to grapple with broader issues such as these, together with more specific ones, in a co-ordinated manner, will their actions be more effective. To this end has "GET ORGANISED" been designed. The handbook is intended as a guide for students in their efforts to organise SRC’s, awareness programmes, among other things, in schools.

A PhD Thesis to the Anthropology Department, Faculty of Humanities: University of the Witwatersrand. / This study will argue that; (i) that the evolution of hip-hop arises out of the need by young people to give expression and meaning to their day-to-day socio-political and economic struggles and the harsh realities of urban life, and (ii) that hip-hop has become the audible and dominant voice of reason and a platform that allows youth to address their plight, as active citizens, and (iii) that, as a music expression, the hip-hop narrative can be used as an unsolicited yet resourceful civic perception survey to gauge the temperature and the mood of society at a point in time. My research question is premised on the argument that the youth looks at society and their immediate surroundings through the lens of rap music and the hip-hop culture. It presupposes that it is this hip-hop lens that has become the projector through which the youth views and analyses society and then invites the world to peep through, to confirm and be witnesses to what they see. It is not the purpose of this research to argue how much influence hip-hop has on young people, but instead to look at how youth is using hip-hop to express their discontent and what the various sites are where their relentless desire for a better life is being crafted and articulated. In my investigation, I have argued that it is at these social sites that open or discreet creative expressions are produced/created by the hip-hop generation as the subordinate group and directed to those perceived to be the gatekeepers to their aspirations and their rites of passage. In my investigation I have explored how, out of indignation and desire, the hip-hop generation has employed creative ways to highlight and vent their frustration at a system that seems to derail their aspirations. This is the story of hip-hop where Watkins (2005) argues that the youth have crafted "a vision of their world that is insightful, optimistic and tenaciously critical of the institutions and circumstances that restrict their ability to impact on the world around them" (p. 81) With regard to hip-hop in South Africa critical questions and a central thesis to this paper begin to emerge as to whether hip-hop, as an artistic expression and a seemingly dominant youth culture, has found long-hidden voices through which young people now engage with this art form to address and reflect on their socio-economic and political conditions as active citizens in search of a meaningful social contract. By investigating the triangular relationship between commerce, politics and hip-hop, this study looks at how creative, adaptive people with unrealised potential, who find themselves trapped by illusion and exploitation (realistic or perceived), always try to find a meaning to make sense of their worlds. / AC2018

This dissertation deals with the nature of the black middle-class assimilation in the South African suburban space, a space that was the sole preserve of the white middle-class during apartheid. It explores the relationship between these races as they come to meet in this space and what new identities are being formed. It also explores the relationship between both the black and white suburbanites and the urban poor who stay in an adjacent area to the suburb. The study uses the Beacon Bay area, which is constituted by one of East London’s most affluent suburbs and a poor township, Nompumelelo, to show how the emergent black middle-class has managed to enter this space in the post-apartheid era. Previous studies by Richard Ballard (2004) and Grant Saff (2001) have shown how the white middle-class has always been against any form of race or class mixing. Within the suburb, the new black suburbanites in Beacon Bay appear to have been welcomed but with conditions by their fellow white counterparts. The relationship between these two races does not stretch beyond meet and greets and it is only in the second generation black middle-class that you find better and non-superficial relations with fellow white suburbanites. In the older generation, the generation that experienced apartheid, the relationship between these two races has been that of tolerance and serious escape of contact unless when necessary. The children of both white and black families, though, have a far better relationship in school and in sport than their parents. This has created another area of contact for both these races and it bears potential for meaningful integration in the suburban space. Externally as it relates to relations between the black middle-class and the urban poor, the findings show that these new black suburbanites express a similar discomfort as the white suburbanites about the urban poor’s presence in the area. This shows that the evolution of the Beacon Bay suburb, with its deep-rooted discourse of white middle-class exclusivity, has not been entirely about hatred of the urban poor necessarily but about an identity ascription of what it means to live in a suburb. Despite these realities traditional ceremonies organised by the black middle-class in the suburbs and the church appear to be playing a role in creating relations between these suburbanites and the Nompumelelo residents. This is why we have decided to use the conceptualisation of the 18th century frontier zone as the borders of segregation within the suburb and between the suburban residents and those of the township can be crossed and re-crossed.

Ho Man-sze. / Thesis submitted in: December 2004. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [83]-[86]). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / List of Tables / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Political versus Apolitical Youth --- p.1 / Colonial Background of HK --- p.3 / Political Aspirations of HK Youth --- p.4 / Youth Studies in Political Participation --- p.7 / Research Questions --- p.8 / Significance of the Study --- p.10 / Outline of the Thesis --- p.14 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.16 / Habermasian Public Sphere --- p.16 / Basic Principles of Public Sphere by Jurgen Habermas --- p.17 / The Potential Public Sphere for HK Youth --- p.19 / The Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth --- p.25 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methodology --- p.33 / Questionnaire Survey: HK Youth Values 2002 --- p.33 / The Political Attitude of HK Youth --- p.34 / In-depth Interviews --- p.37 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Data Analyses --- p.41 / Existence of Political Discussions --- p.41 / A Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth? --- p.50 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Discussions and Conclusions --- p.73 / Social and Political Discussions Found --- p.73 / The Possible Arena of Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.74 / Domination within a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.75 / Co-existence of Dominant and Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.76 / Interactions with the Wider Publics --- p.77 / Contributing the Democratic Development of HK --- p.78 / "Broadening the Definition of ""Subaltern""" --- p.79 / Summary --- p.81