Thesis (PhD (Public Affairs)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / Abstract in English. Includes bibliographical references. Available on the Internet via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.A. (Political and International Studies))--Rhodes University, 2006. / A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2006. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-98). Also available via the World Wide Web.

This qualitative study features in-depth interviews with selected continental African journalists and offers exploratory insights into how they perceive themselves in terms of their journalistic roles and/or sub-identities with regard to the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). The study also examines correlations between their perceptions and their news stories on NEPAD. Grounded in the libertarian and social responsibility theories of journalism, and reading these theories from the standpoint of Africa, this study posits the neutral, watchdog, social agenda and development journalism sub-identities to explain the respondents’ journalistic identifications. Hence, the study explores how the journalists respond to NEPAD’s (pan)-Africanist and development journalism interpellations. The study draws on postcolonial theoretical perspectives to address questions concerning African identity and the wider NEPAD/African context of research. Findings indicated that the journalists perceive a role for themselves as neutral-objectivist information disseminators as well as social agenda enactors that conscientise their readers about NEPAD. Thus, the journalists tend to implicitly portray a pluralistic understanding of their roles that enables them to balance the ideals of journalism against the development and Africanist aspirations of NEPAD. Although the journalists were found to uphold oppositional stances towards NEPAD, they do not question it from outside of its own neo-liberal discourse. In fact, they still represent themselves as aspiring to its Africanism and remaining sympathetic to its development plans. Overall, they exhibit multiple identifications, and yet they often tend to lean towards their neutral-objectivist journalistic sub-identity. Ultimately, they prioritise the dominant libertarian-professional model of journalism over and above NEPAD’s interpellations. The study also examined the journalists’ interpretations of what they do and the apparent translation of this into their stories. Although in both their stories and interviews discourse they showed a broader orientation towards libertarianism, the findings show that the link between the two is not straightforward.

The thesis is about analysing the capability of the civil aircraft industry in contributing towards improved national technological competitiveness. The South African government recognises the potential for the country’s aircraft industry to contribute to the growth of the national economy. However, it is not known if the current support mechanisms are adequate for developing the appropriate technological base and for promoting the innovative capabilities of the industry. Countries with successful aircraft industries were studied: South Korea and Brazil were used to represent emerging economies and France was used to represent developed economies. This was done to analyse existing models or frameworks and/or commonalities that led to the successful development of technologically competitive civil aircraft industries internationally. The South African civil aircraft industry was also studied, and its technology development competence was compared to that of successful countries. How the local technology development framework could be structured or improved, using lessons from successful countries, was considered. Local participants were representatives of the South African government departments or ministries (DTI; and DST), academia (The University of the Witwatersrand – Wits; and the University of Cape Town – UCT), research institutions (CSIR and NRF), and firms (Aerosud, Denel, and Aerospace Monitoring and Systems – AMS). Based on the analysis of the findings, frameworks aimed at improving the technological base of the South African civil aircraft industry were proposed as follows: </ul> <li> The development of technology capability building through government interventions. This emphasises aggressive government interventions that encourage collaboration between firms in the industry, and with research and higher education institutions, followed by major investment in research and development.</li> <li> An institutional structure for the development of national aircraft technology. This is aimed at strengthening the technology development arena of the South African aircraft industry, through acquired projects, but with less emphasis on business acquisition.</li> <li> The establishment of the South African Aircraft Industry Corporation (SAAIC), a technology development and skills-transfer programme.</li> </ul> Copyright / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Graduate School of Technology Management (GSTM) / unrestricted

"The Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU Act) recognises in article 4(c) as one of its principles: 'participation of the people in the activities of the Union'. This principle could be implemented through, among others, the involvement of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the activities of the AU. This study submits that NGOs will play a meaningful role in ensuring the promotion and protection of human rights by the AU and its institutions. The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) is an economic programme of the AU. The NEPAD document outlines among other things the promotion and protection of human rights as a necessary precondition for the success of NEPAD. Therefore, a lot of NGO input is needed for the efective implementation of NEPAD's human rights ovjective as well. ... In addition to this introductory chapter, the study continues along the following outlines: the second chapter examines the legal basis and institutional framework of the African Union relating to human rights and the possibility of cooperation between NGOs and the different organs of the AU and NEPAD. Chapter three addresses the mandate of the African Commission for protection and promotion of human rights in Africa with the view of investigating what lessons can be learnt from this cooperation. This chapter focuses on the extent to which NGOs have contributed to the enhancement of the work of the African Commission. Chapter four highlights the role of NGOs in the UN system regarding the protection and promotion of human rights, with the view of drawing some inspirations and making recommendations of this experience to the AU. Chapter five sums up the general conclusions made in the study and makes some recommendations." -- Chapter 1. / Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Tshepo Madlingozi at the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: While The New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) is a grand plan by African leaders to eradicate poverty and to place their countries on a path of sustainable growth and development, the African Union (AU) will attempt to unite Africa economically and to succeed where the non-interventionist Organisation of African Unity (OAU) had failed. What makes Nepad different to earlier plans is that African leaders have now taken the initiative and are assuming responsibility for the process. A requirement for Nepad to gain momentum is that peace and security must prevail on the continent. The responsibility for creating this environment will rest mainly on the shoulders of the AU. The purpose of this research is (a) To describe • the objectives of the AU and Nepad; • the AU's protocols and decisions on peace, security and good governance, and to highlight some accountability and enforcement challenges it will face; • the structure and organs of Nepad; • the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM); and • the relations between Nepad, the AU and the G8; (b) To identify points of convergence / divergence between the AU and Nepad; (c) To evaluate • the AU on the basis of its handling of pressing leadership challenges on the African continent, in particular Zimbabwe, and • Nepad on the basis of progress made thus far with the implementation thereof. Nepad's preconditions for sustainable development imply that if the Peace and Security Council of the AU fails in its mission, Nepad will also fail, since satisfying these conditions - peace, security and political governance- is absolutely essential if Africa wants to attract the desperately needed capital flows from the industrial world. Chapter Two describes the major accountability and enforcement challenges that the AU will face. The author is of the opinion that the current lack of political will by African leaders to denounce the Mugabe regime, both individually and collectively as AU members, is severely damaging the credibility of both the AU and Nepad. Funding the AU may prove to be a huge stumbling block for the organisation. The AU should anticipate the unwillingness of members to pay their contributions, and therefore take a firm stand from the outset by imposing sanctions and/or withdrawing voting rights, as the OAU had to do to force countries to pay their dues. The author points out how contradictions in Nepad documents cause confusion, especially over certain security initiatives such as the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and the AU's Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA). Despite not having consulted and involved a broad spectrum from the outset and despite lack of clarity, Nepad seems to have made considerable progress in coopting role players who will be involved with projects on the ground. Nevertheless, due to the unwillingness of continental leaders to speak up against the Mugabe regime, the prognosis is that Nepad and the AU stand to loose face. Both Nepad and the AU need to build momentum, particularly around issues such as credibility and transparency, to prove its value. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Terwyl die Nuwe Vennootskap vir Afrika se Ontwikkeling (Nepad) 'n plan van Afrikaleiers is om armoede op die vasteland uit te roei en om hul onderskeie lande op die pad van volhoubare ontwikkeling te plaas, gaan die Afrika Unie (AU) poog om Afrika ekonomies te verenig, iets wat die nie-inmengende Organisasie vir Eenheid in Afrika (OEA) nie kon vermag nie. Wat Nepad anders maak as vorige pogings is dat die inisiatief van Afrika-leiers self afkomstig is en dat elkeen verantwoordelikheid vir die proses aanvaar. 'n Vereiste vir Nepad om te slaag is dat vrede en stabiliteit in Afrika moet heers, en die verantwoordelikheid om hierdie kondisie te skep berus by die AU. Die doel van hierdie navorsing is (a) Om die volgende te beskryf: • Die doelwitte van die AU en Nepad; • Die verskillende protokols van die AU en besluite rondom vrede, sekuriteit en goeie regering, asook die uitdagings rondom toerekenbaarheid en die uitvoering van besluite; • Die struktuur van Nepad; • Die Oorsigmeganisme (APRM); • Verhoudinge tussen Nepad, die AU en die G8; (b) Om konvergente en divergente aspekte van die AU en Nepad uit te wys; (c) Om die volgende te evalueer: • Die AU op grond van sy hantering van dreigende leierskapsuitdagings, en in besonder Zimbabwe, en • Nepad op grond van die vordering wat tot op hede gemaak is met die implimentering daarvan. Nepad se voorvereistes vir volhoubare ontwikkeling impliseer dat sou die Veiligheidsraad van die AU in sy missie misluk, Nepad ook sal misluk, aangesien , vrede, stabiliteit en goeie regering absoluut noodsaaklik is indien Afrika die broodnodige kapitaal van die industriële wêreld na die kontinent wil lok. In Hoofstuk Twee word die vernaamste uitdagings rondom toerekenvatbaarheid en uitvoerbaarheid wat die AU in die gesig staar, bespreek. Die skrywer is van mening dat die huidige gebrek aan politieke wil deur leiers om, beide individueel en gesamentlik as AU lede, die Mugabe regime te kritiseer, die geloofwaardigheid van beide Nepad en die AU ernstige skade berokken. Die befondsing van die AU mag potensieël 'n struikelblok vir die organisasie word. Die AU moet verwag dat sommige lede onwillig mag wees om hul bydraes te betaal, en om hierdie rede moet vanuit die staanspoor daadwerklik teen sulkes opgetree word. Sanksies en die weerhouing van stemreg is twee maniere om nie-betalers aan te spreek, net soos die OEA destyds gedoen het met lidlande wat in gebreke gebly het om bydraes te betaal. Die skrywer wys ook daarop hoe Nepad dokumente mekaar weerspreek, veral ten opsigte van die Oorsigmeganisme (APRM) en die AU se Konferensie oor Sekuriteit, Stabiliteit, Ontwikkeling en Samewerking in Afrika (CSSDCA). Dit skep verwarring. Ten spyte van die feit dat die Nepad proses in gebreke gebly het om wyd te konsulteer, asook ten spyte van die verwarring wat heers, is daar reeds beduidende vordering gemaak wat betref die koöptering van belangrike rolspelers wat op voetsoolvlak by projekte betrokke gaan wees. Desnieteenstaande, Nepad en die AU loop die gevaar om aansien te verloor as gevolg van die onbereidwilligheid van Afrika-leiers om teen die Mugabe regime op te tree. Deursigtigheid en geloofwaardigheid is twee aspekte waaraan beide Nepad en die AU ernstig moet aandag gee om daadwerklik waarde toe te voeg.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Ever since the 1960's independence move, the African continent has been faced with dire economic and social realities, which were compounded by weak political leadership and state institutions. Although various socio-economic development initiatives, such as the 1980 Lagos Plan of Action and the eventual signing of the Abuja Treaty in 1991 purposed to support Africa's integration into the global economy through export orientated production and regional economic integration, there still existed an incoherency in the strategic response from the continent's political leaders towards regional and continental economic development strategies. While the foundation for establishing an African Economic Community has been laid through the Abuja Treaty within the framework of the Organisation for African Unity, regional economic and trade integration have been fragmented, with many dual and overlapping membership of regional economic communities. Integration endeavours have also often been impeded by national and sub-regional armed conflicts, and thus did not result in the desired levels of economic growth and expected increases in trade. The exigency to address Africa's severe poverty and unemployment, while at the same time placing the continent on a path of sustainable economic growth and development, made it clear that Africa had to take ownership and responsibility for its own development, while at the same time facilitating the continent's integration into the global political, economic, trade, and financial systems. Since Africa lacks sufficient development resources, African leaders realised the importance for support from the international community through more effective debt relief strategies in facilitating targeted domestic resource mobilisation, increased levels of development aid and trade access to developed nations' markets. In 2001 Africa produced its own integrated development initiative that was embodied in the New Partnership for Africa's Development, also known as NEPAD, premised on African leadership, ownership and partnership. Through NEPAD African leaders express a commitment to accountable and transparent political, financial, fiscal and monetary management in the absence of national and regional conflict, while calling on the international community and African and international private sectors to partnership with African governments in their development endeavours. At the same time, NEPAD identified critical sectoral priorities as preconditions for development that would facilitate greater flows of foreign direct investments. As operational sphere, NEPAD relies on prominent regional economic communities to address Africa's economic disadvantages and market fragmentation through development of trade linkages, harmonisation of regulatory frameworks and further regional trade liberalisation. The emphasis is on fostering a favourable African investment environment since it is acknowledged by African leaders that a prosperous private sector and business community are to be the engines of economic growth and development. The success of NEPAD as the socio-economic development plan of the newly formed African Union relies on the strength of only three supportive pillars namely: the sustained political visionary commitment from Africa's leaders, greater investments to the continent and trade access for Africa's products, and active participation from representative sectors of the private sector. Since NEPAD is a highly ambitious initiative, it is imperative that sub-regional strategies take precedence in ensuring NEPAD's long-term success. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die onafhanklikheidsbeweging van die 1960's staar die Afrika-kontinent knellende ekonomiese en sosiale realiteite in die gesig. Realiteite wat deur swak politieke leierskap en staatsinstellings vererger is. Alhoewel verskeie sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelingsinisiatiewe, soos die 1980 Lagos Plan van Aksie en die uiteindelike ondertekening van die Abuja-verdrag in 1991, beoog het om Afrika se integrasie in die wêreldekonomie te steun deur uitvoer-georiënteerde produksie en ekonomiese integrasie op streeksvlak, was die kontinent se politieke leiers se reaksie op regionale en kontinentale ekonomiese ontwikkelingstrategië inkoherent. Die fondasie vir die tot stand koming van 'n Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap is deur die Abujaverdrag gelê binne die raamwerk van die Organisasie vir Afrika-eenheid, maar op streeksvlak was ekonomiese en handelsintegrasie gefragmenteerd - met 'n hoë voorkoms van dubbele en oorvleuelende lidmaatskap by regionale ekonomiese gemeenskappe. Pogings tot integrasie is ook dikwels deur gewapende konflikte, nasionaal en subregionaal, belemmer. Voorts het die gewenste vlakke van ekonomiese groei en verwagte toename in handel nie gerealiseer nie. Die dringendheid om Afrika se uiterste armoede en werkloosheid aan te spreek, en terselfdertyd die kontinent op 'n pad van volhoubare ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling te plaas, het dit duidelik gemaak dat Afrika self verantwoordelikheid sal moet neem vir sy ontwikkeling, en daarteenoor die kontinent se integrasie in globale politieke, ekonomiese, handel-, en finansiële sisteme moet fasiliteer. Aangesien Afrika nie oor voldoende ontwikkelingsbronne beskik nie, het Afrika-leiers die belangrikheid besef van die internasionale gemeenskap se steun, d.m.v. meer effektiewe skuldlenigingstrategieë in die fasilitering van gefokuste plaaslike hulpbronmobilisasie, verhoogde vlakke van ontwikkelingshulp en handelstoegang tot markte van ontwikkelde nasies. In 2001 lewer Afrika sy eie geïntegreerde ontwikkelingsinisiatief wat vergestalt word in die Nuwe Vennootskap vir Afrika se Ontwikkeling (New Partnership for Africa's Development), ook bekend as Nepad, met Afrika-leierskap, -eienaarskap en -vennootskap as basis. Afrika-leiers betuig deur Nepad 'n verbintenis tot verantwoordbare en deursigtige politieke, finansiële, fiskale en monetêre bestuur in die afwesigheid van nasionale en streekskonflik, terwyl hulle die internasionale gemeenskap en internasionale en Afrika-privaatsektore nader vir vennootskap met Afrika-regerings in hulle ontwikkelingspogings. Nepad identifiseer terselfdertyd kritieke sektorale prioriteite as voorwaardes vir ontwikkeling, wat groter vloei van direkte buitelandse belegging sal vergemaklik. As operasionele sfeer, maak Nepad staat op prominente regionale ekonomiese gemeenskappe om Afrika se ekonomiese agterstande en markfragmentasie aan te spreek deur die uitbou van handelskakelings, harmonisering van regulatoriese raamwerke en verdere regionale handelsliberalisering. Die klem is daarop om 'n gunstige investeringsomgewing in Afrika te bevorder, aangesien Afrika-leiers erken dat 'n florerende privaatsektor en besigheidsgemeenskap die dryfkrag vir ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling is. Nepad se sukses as die sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelingsplan vir die nuut-gevormde Afrika-unie berus op die krag van slegs drie ondersteunende pilare, naamlik: die volgehoue politieke verbintenis tot die visie deur Afrika-leiers, groter beleggings in die kontinent en handelstoegang vir Afrika se produkte, en aktiewe deelname van verteenwoordigende sektore uit die privaatsektor. Met 'n hoogs ambisieuse inisiatief soos Nepad, is dit gebiedend noodsaaklik dat subregionale strategieë voorkeur geniet ten einde Nepad se langtermyn sukses te verseker.

Despite according high priority to regional economic integration and being clustered by regional economic schemes, Africa’s regional economic integration record is not inspiring. With the transformation of the OAU to the African Union (AU), the New Partnership for Africa`s Development (NEPAD) was adopted as the development program of the continent to drive the impetus of economic integration through trade. At the time NEPAD was adopted, regional integration schemes in Africa were facing problems of low intra-regional trade levels despite trade being identified as the engine of activity and economic growth for regional economic integration. The study was centered on Southern Africa with precise attention on SADC. Even though trade is accepted as a vital engine of economic growth and development, this is not the case with SADC. The study was looking at the contribution of NEPAD in intra-regional trade in Africa with special focus on SADC. This was prompted by the fact that regional integration is business as usual within the sub region while problems that have been confronting regional schemes are continuing unabated after the adoption of NEPAD. The study used the historical approach because it provides the study with an advantage of accessing existing literature with regards to what is really stalling intra-regional trade in SADC. The study findings noted that NEPAD has not fully addressed the problems of intra-regional trade within SADC and the continent at large. The study lastly concludes by giving a way forward for NEPAD to respond to the specific needs of SADC for the promotion of intra-regional and equitable trade.

This study is a contribution to the on-going debate about the path that Africa has taken in realising the vision of its renewal. The central theme of the study is the idea of Africa's 'new partnership' with the industrialised North, which is envisaged under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Acknowledging that asymmetrical partnerships have existed between Africa and the North, particularly in the last century, the question this study poses is: to what extent does the idea of the 'new partnership' represent something new? The study argues two points. Firstly, it argues that the idea of the new partnership has become a terrain of contestation between the Africanist and the post-modernist social forces. Secondly, the study argues that it is unlikely that conceptualising the idea of the new partnership in post-modernist terms will result in sustainable development and rebirth of Africa. That is particularly the case, because post-modernity suggests a certain degree of loyalty to the prevailing and asymmetrical global order. Against this background, the study concludes that the extent to which Africa will enjoy the benefits of a truly revised partnership with the North, and thus fulfil the vision of its rebirth, will be determined, by and large, by the modalities of accommodation and struggle between these social forces.